Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - June 05, 2012, Winnipeg, Manitoba
C M Y K PAGE A4
A 4 WINNIPEG FREE PRESS, TUESDAY, JUNE 5, 2012 TOP NEWS winnipegfreepress. com
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I T wasn't exactly a rebellion. More
like a sudden, somewhat unexpected
outburst or a tantrum designed to
draw attention.
Whatever you want to call it, last
weekend's angry rebuke of the governing
New Democratic Party executive
by rank- and- file members is a
strong indication there are rumblings
of discontent deep with this party's
core.
The spat erupted at the NDP's
annual general
meeting over the
party executive's
decision to refuse
a $ 1.25- per- vote
subsidy guaranteed
to registered political
parties by law. For
the NDP, fresh off its
fourth consecutive
majority, the subsidy
works out to be about
$ 250,000 per year or
nearly $ 1 million between elections.
Party members passed motions at the
2011 and 2012 AGMs to continue accepting
the subsidy. Despite this, the executive
decided to take a pass. This caused several
high- profile members to rebuke the
executive for disregarding the motions.
It also convinced party president Lorraine
Sigurdson to resign her post and
not run for re- election. " I have to tell
you I'm exceedingly pissed off about
it," an angry Susan Hart- Kulbaba, a
former MFL president, told delegates
at the Victoria Inn in Winnipeg. " We
don't come here to sit here and make
policy and not have it followed."
Publicly calling out the executive
is humiliating for Premier Greg
Selinger, and a strong signal that
he may not have control over
his party. Still, it's hard to
understand how this issue
became the spark for this
outburst.
The subsidy was a compromise when the
NDP outlawed union and corporate donations.
However, since it was introduced
four years ago, the opposition Progressive
Conservatives have effectively made the
subsidy a political hot potato, decrying it
as a misuse of public funds and refusing
to accept it. The NDP continued to support
the subsidy, defending it during last fall's
general election campaign.
However, faced with a growing deficit
and increasing political pressure to get
it under control, Selinger decided now
was not the time for the party to continue
taking a taxpayer subsidy for election
expenses. It was not hard to see the method
in Selinger's madness. At a time when he
was trying desperately to project an image
of austerity, the vote subsidy seemed to
be a luxury the taxpayers couldn't afford.
Passing on this year's subsidy would in essence
take this issue out of the opposition's
arsenal.
Some high- profile members didn't appreciate
the logic. Opinion leaders in the party,
including many influential labour leaders,
decried this incident as a crime against
internal party democracy - even though in
most parties, it's accepted that a governing
party takes such motions as advice, reserving
the right to make the final decision.
Those condemning the party executive
would have to be pretty naive to
think somehow, after 13 years of majority
government, the rules of this game have
changed. That is, of course, if this was not a
calculated naivet� designed to send a message
to the top of the NDP hierarchy.
The relationship between organized
labour and the NDP has been strained lately.
Over the past two years, the NDP has
asked for and obtained wage freezes from
public- sector unions, while at the same
time introducing legislation governing
public- private partnerships - a real thorn
in the side of unions - that did not come
nearly close enough to meeting the labour
agenda. Labour has been pretty muted in
their responses to these issues, but lately
there are signs union leaders are losing
their patience with this government.
Just last week, the Manitoba Federation
of Labour announced it would like to see
a one- point bump in the provincial sales
tax to support infrastructure. It's an idea
that is seeing increasing support but it is
extremely unpopular in Selinger's office,
where there are fears the Tories would use
the tax hike to bludgeon the NDP in the
next election. Announcing a policy such
as that was widely viewed as dirty pool by
those NDP partisans in government.
What does this mean for Selinger?
Condemned to be forever compared to his
successful predecessor, Gary Doer, last
weekend's shenanigans will do nothing to
convince rank- and- file party members that
Selinger is worthy of leading this party over
the long term. Selinger has recently completely
retooled his inner circle, bringing in
long- standing confidants and dispatching
the last of the Doer loyalists, most notably
former chief of staff Michael Balagus.
Selinger's decision to part ways with
Balagus is material to last weekend's
drama. Balagus was a stern - some would
say too stern - right hand of the premier
who proved his worth in many ways.
Not the least of which was his ability to
convince dissidents to back away from
resolutions that might ultimately embarrass
the premier. Perhaps no one, including
Balagus, could have talked these dissidents
down off this ledge. But it is important to
note this was the first party AGM since
Selinger effectively asked for, and received,
Balagus's resignation.
The big question now is whether the
dissident factions will continue their spat,
allowing it to grow from a rebuke into a
full- out rebellion. Either way, Selinger has
some work to do before next year's AGM
because either he has lost control of some
elements within his party, or they have lost
their sense of humour about his style of
leadership.
dan. lett@ freepress. mb. ca
PREMIER Greg Selinger played a key
role in a decision to ignore a party directive
- something that has inflamed
rank- and- file members of the NDP.
Selinger and three members of his
caucus pressed the NDP executive at
a special meeting April 26 to disregard
the directive to accept a $ 250,000 taxpayer
subsidy.
A party source said Selinger and
MLAs James Allum ( Fort Garry- Riverview),
Erna Braun ( Rossmere) and
Drew Caldwell ( Brandon East) were
among 15 members of the NDP's inner
circle to support a motion not to apply
for the funding, which is available to all
registered political parties.
Eight executive members voted
against the motion, introduced by
Caldwell and Allum, including party
president Lorraine Sigurdson. She
would resigned from her post four days
later.
At the NDP's convention in 2011,
delegates passed a resolution calling
on the party to apply for the subsidy,
which was introduced four years ago
under the Election Finances Act. The
payment was brought in as the province
banned corporate and union donations
to political parties.
However, the provincial Conservatives
- terming the subsidy a " vote
tax" - have pointedly refused to apply
for the cash. And the NDP have followed
suit.
The NDP provincial executive's decision
to ignore a directive from its
supreme policy- making body - its annual
convention - angered many in the
party. At last weekend's NDP AGM,
two party stalwarts called the action
" shameful." Delegates passed an emergency
resolution demanding the NDP
accept government funding in the future.
According to the party source, Sigurdson,
as the executive meeting's
chairwoman, initially ruled the April 26
MLA- backed motion defying a convention
directive out of order. Her decision
was challenged, however, and she was
overruled in a vote. The executive then
passed the controversial motion. Among
the dissenters was Ellen Olfert, who was
acclaimed as president, succeeding Sigurdson,
at last weekend's convention.
The NDP executive includes two
spots for caucus members - currently
filled by Caldwell and Braun. Allum
sits on the executive as the party's past
president, while Selinger, as premier, is
guaranteed a spot.
The premier refused to discuss the
April 26 meeting when scrummed by
reporters outside the legislature on
Monday.
He did, however, acknowledge the anger
that NDP delegates expressed this
past weekend at the executive's decision.
" They aired their views. Everybody
was there and paid close attention
to what their views were. And we respect
the process of having that kind of
democratic discussion in our party."
Last month, the government introduced
legislation to scrap the current
political party funding model and replace
it with one to be devised by an
independent commissioner. The bill is
expected to pass before the legislature
rises later this month.
Government House Leader Jennifer
Howard said it is clear the old law was
not working, as neither of the two major
parties applied for funds.
The NDP has argued public funding
of political parties is necessary to give
all a level playing field and to prevent
wealthy Manitobans from exerting
undue influence on elections.
larry. kusch@ freepress. mb. ca
Outcry signs of NDP house divided
Small issue turns into embarrassment for Selinger
Resolution's text
Text of the resolution passed at
a special NDP executive meeting
April 26:
" Whereas the provincial
executive has been advised
the legislation governing party
funding will be amended during
the spring legislative session;
" Therefore be it resolved that
the party not apply for funding
prior to the passage of the
legislation.
" Be it further resolved that
the party- funding legislation
ensure that the annual funding
allocation be automatically paid
without need of a check- off."
By Larry Kusch
Selinger pivotal in move to shun party directive
DAN
LETT
OTTAWA, Ont. - A tragic public shooting
on the streets of downtown Toronto
6 � years ago helped propel Stephen
Harper's Conservatives to power on a
law- and- order ticket.
A similar, deadly shooting spree
over the weekend at Toronto's crowded
Eaton Centre has a Conservative cabinet
minister touting the " absolutely
critical" sentencing reforms his government
has enacted, even as experts
say the murder illustrates just how useless
" tough- on- crime" policies are at
preventing crime.
One likened the policies to selling
" snake oil."
The only point of agreement seems
to be that the government's toughon-
crime message still hasn't seeped
through to the criminal mind.
Where supporters and critics diverge
is on whether it ever will.
" The political rhetoric doesn't make
sense," says Anthony Hutchinson, a social
worker at evangelical Tyndale University
College in Toronto who works
with gangs and is himself a former
gang member of mixed black and south
Asian descent.
" Basically an ounce of prevention is
better than a pound of cure."
Back on Jan. 2, 2006, Harper used
the Boxing Day shooting of 15- year- old
Yonge Street bystander Jane Creba to
press home his Conservative party's
agenda.
" A Conservative government will
crack down on crime," Harper said
during a campaign stop in Toronto. " We
will act quickly, we will act comprehensively
and we will act decisively to fix
our criminal- justice system."
He was as good as his word.
Among the very first pieces of legislation
the Conservatives passed after
winning the Jan. 23, 2006 election was
a bill lengthening mandatory minimum
sentences for crimes committed with a
handgun. It was the first of many such
measures, culminating in March with
an omnibus crime bill - optimistically
entitled the Safe Streets and Communities
Act - that included nine different
pieces of legislation.
Justice Minister Rob Nicholson touted
Bill C- 10 as honouring " a commitment
to better protect Canadians."
But all those laws did not keep the
streets safe Saturday when a gunman
opened fire in the food court at the
downtown Toronto Eaton Centre, killing
one and injuring seven, including a
13- year- old shot in the head.
" Some of these people obviously need
to be taught a lesson," Julian Fantino,
the former Ontario Provincial Police
commissioner who now sits in the
Harper cabinet, told the Globe and
Mail on Monday.
" We haven't been able to effectively
get their attention. That's why some of
some of these sentences, severe sentences
and mandatory sentences, are absolutely
critical."
That the lesson - do the crime, do
the time - apparently hasn't sunk in
after more than six years of Conservative
rule could be construed as an admission
of failure.
Nicholson declined an interview
request Monday but his office, in an
email, listed various gun- crime provisions
it has enacted and stated " our
government has a solid track record
when it comes to cracking down on gun
crime."
John Sawdon, the head of Canadian
Training Institute in Toronto, said two
gang- exit programs died in February
when federal funding dried up.
" Dollars continue to go into policing
and suppression efforts but less and
less funds go into prevention, intervention
activities," said Sawdon, whose national
voluntary organization provides
training and support services for social
and criminal justice workers.
- The Canadian Press
Mall shooting stirs tough- on- crime debate
Cabinet minister
stresses reforms
By Bruce Cheadle TORONTO - An unspecified personal
issue apparently sparked the
bloody weekend gun rampage that
left one man dead and two
people badly wounded,
including a teen who was
shot in the head during
a family outing at one of
Canada's top tourist spots.
A man under house
arrest for a previous
charge turned himself in
to police early Monday and
was charged with one count
of first- degree murder and six of attempted
murder related to the Eaton
Centre shooting.
The dead man, along with an associate
who remained in critical condition
with gunshot wounds, belonged to
the same gang as the accused, police
said.
" Regardless, I do not believe this
to be a gang- motivated shooting,"
said Det. Sgt. Brian Borg, the lead
investigator. " I believe
there's personal aspects
involved."
Police refused to
discuss a possible motive
behind Saturday's
violence.
Wearing a blue hoodie
under a grey jacket,
Christopher Husbands, 23,
appeared briefly in court
Monday afternoon as his lawyer tried
to cover his face with a notebook.
Husbands, who was remanded in
custody until a video appearance Aug.
15, should not have been out of his
home at the time of the shooting that
sent panicked shoppers scrambling
for the exits, police said.
Personal, not gang issues, likely deadly spark
' I have to tell you I'm exceedingly pissed off about it. We don't come here to sit here
and make policy and not have it followed' - Susan Hart- Kulbaba, a former MFL president
Christopher
Husbands
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