Winnipeg Free Press

Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - July 17, 2013, Winnipeg, Manitoba C M Y K PAGE A9 O N any given night, thousands of Winnipeggers languish in ramshackle housing, line up at shelters or sleep in our streets and alleyways. This situation is not limited to Winnipeg. Homeless Hub estimates 30,000 Canadians are homeless every day. How can it be that in such a prosperous country we continue to struggle to house those most in need? How, too, can we have a contest that sought to award the worst place to live in Winnipeg? A contest that not surprisingly found the “ winners” to be rooming houses located in our inner city? The solution seems simple enough: Let’s shut down as many of these godforsaken places as we can. As the Free Press is reporting in an ongoing series by reporter Mary Agnes Welch, doing so might cause more harm than good. For more than a decade, the Institute of Urban Studies undertook several projects that explored rooming houses and single- room- occupancy hotels. What we found was an industry rife with contradiction, comprised of Samaritans and villains willing to either help or exploit. In an initial estimate, we contended that there are as many as 10,000 people comprising the hidden homeless population of Winnipeg. Within this number, most lived in rooming houses, single- room hotels or “ sofa- surfed” from place to place, while others drifted onto the streets or into shelters. In addition, we allowed our affordable housing stock to spiral downward in two fundamental ways. First, the federal government significantly diminished its role in the provision of affordable housing, off- loading the majority of responsibility to the provinces, which have not built enough units. Second, we allowed what remained to decline, leaving many to scramble for the worst of the worst. A decade- long boom in the Winnipeg housing market, meanwhile, rewarded some, but it also meant that affordable housing became a commodity, leading to conversions and a decline in the rooming- house stock in Spence, Osborne Village and West Broadway districts. To tackle the bigger problem of poor- quality housing, a practical solution would be to convene another task force, as was done in the 1990s, and undertake a quick and comprehensive sweep and inspection of all the rooming houses and hotels, with the mandate to enforce building codes, occupancy standards and licensing. With swift action, we could effectively close many of the worst offenders. In doing so, however, we would have to realize that for a heavy hand, a hefty price would be paid, as many would be plunged into crisis and end up on the streets, putting increased pressure on our limited shelters. Herein lies a paradox. While we know it is critical to have all Canadians live in safe, affordable housing, closing hundreds, if not thousands of rooms would put a massive burden on an already strained system. Yet perhaps this course of action is exactly what is needed as the excuse that we have no alternatives is simply not good enough any longer. Perhaps such action would not only provoke a strong government reaction but they would be forced to find alternatives, including building more units. Let us not be fooled, however, into thinking the problem is entirely related to marginal housing or the lack of supply. It is also about the lack of services and supports required for success. In work by the At Home Chez Soi project over the last four years, we learned a lot about keeping those in need securely housed. The solution was never just about providing housing; it was about creating a strong network of supports to ensure the right resources were in place for keeping people in stable housing. Our work on the At Home project hammered home the point that providing shelter and resources is hard work. The outcome, however, can be astounding and remarkable change. Across Winnipeg, work is continuing to find alternatives for those needing help, with places like the Bell Hotel, the Madison and the Red Road Lodge trying new models of housing with supports. There is much success from this work, but more is needed. In addition, the Housing First approach used in the At Home project provides additional evidence that supports and good housing can go a long way to changing lives and saving the system money. As we move forward, we have to realize we need to invest in all our citizens. We have to work hard to make available the right types of resources and services to help those in need find their own pathway to success. Jino Distasio is the director of the Institute of Urban Studies and co- principal investigator for the Winnipeg site of the At Home Chez Soi Project on Mental Health and Homelessness. F IFTEEN years ago this week, the International Criminal Court came into being, ushering in a new era in the fight for global criminal justice by creating the first permanent international forum with the mandate to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of mass atrocities. That day is marked every July 17 as International Justice Day. No longer could powerful people claim impunity for committing crimes against humanity, genocide, war crimes and crimes of aggression. I remember, as foreign minister at the time, being in the large hall in Rome on July 17, 1998, when the final vote was announced on passage of the statute creating the court, generating a sense of exultation from the delegates when it was clear there would be an overwhelming majority ( 120 countries for, seven against, 21 abstaining) for the creation of this brand- new international body defending the emerging human- rights standard of protecting individuals against the violence which had scarred the decade in places like Rwanda and Srebrenica. It is habit with anniversaries to reflect. How have these high hopes for the court been met? First, a disclaimer: Fifteen years is not a long time to make a judgment, considering the initial period was heavily involved in just putting in place the infrastructure, logistics and procedures of a new global institution. But even with that caveat, the ICC has gone through an activist period of investigations under its first prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo, and its first president and judge, Philippe Kirsch of Canada. It is now entering a new period of reorganizing and consolidation under its new prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, and president Sang- Hyun Song. The work that has begun builds upon the successful indictment of Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia and the conviction of Charles Taylor of Liberia. There was the daring indictment of Sudanese president Omar al- Bashir in 2009 for his alleged crimes in the killing of innocent people in South Sudan and Darfur. Many lesser cases are on the docket, including some 30 indictments, and there is no doubt the court has become an important player in the ongoing, increasingly difficult task of institutionalizing a human- rights- based approach to global governance, but also to the defeat of impunity by state actors who have historically found themselves above the law. The court has not been without its problems and its critics. The recent indictment of President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya for his alleged part in inciting violence and killings following elections in 2007 has brought a strong reaction from African states, claiming the court focuses too much of its work on Africa. More serious is the continued argument that by applying indictments against those in conflicts, it impedes the search for peaceful solutions. A case in point is Joseph Kony from Uganda, who asserts he would come to the table to end his violence if the court drops its charges. The court, however, perseveres and is involved in the work to help set up regional courts to take account of the cultural and social differences in the application of justice. Its pioneering work in giving full standing to victims to be heard has set new judicial standards and it is slowly building an infrastructure of international criminal justice around the world. And it is clear that its role as a deterrent against those in power who otherwise would commit crimes continues to grow. Perhaps the best judgment after these 15 years is that it does stand as one of the few established and respected institutions internationally that upholds the rule of law, a rare beacon, giving hope to many that their human rights will be respected and acted upon. At a time where there is such fractured support for any form of international consensus and so many states are ignoring their responsibilities to defend and protect vulnerable populations, such as in Syria and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it is vital that the ICC stand as a counterpoint to these regressive trends. That is why its anniversary should be a time to restore confidence in our collective attention as global actors and reaffirm our commitment to the values it is based upon. It is also an opportunity to revisit the concept of justice and to recognize its role in moving us all towards global peace, with an eye focused on combating impunity and protecting the most vulnerable. Lloyd Axworthy, the president and vice- chancellor of the University of Winnipeg, is a former Canadian minister of foreign affairs. Winnipeg Free Press Wednesday, July 17, 2013 A 9 POLL ¥ TODAY’S QUESTION Should the city give $ 10,000 to people who buy a new condo in the Exchange or along Waterfront Drive? ¥ Vote online at winnipegfreepress. com ¥ PREVIOUS QUESTION Are you happy with the federal government’s cabinet shuffle Monday? TOTAL RESPONSES 3,466 Winnipeg Free Press est 1872 / Winnipeg Tribune est 1890 VOL 141 NO 241 2013 Winnipeg Free Press, a division of FP Canadian Newspapers Limited Partnership. Published seven days a week at 1355 Mountain Avenue, Winnipeg, Manitoba R2X 3B6, PH: 204- 697- 7000 BOB COX / Publisher PAUL SAMYN / Editor JULIE CARL / Deputy Editor W ESTERN governments took a strong stand against Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe in 2008 when he employed massive violence and fraud to perpetuate himself in power through a presidential election. Five years later, the 89- year- old strongman is at it again. Flouting agreements with the opposition and pledges to foreign mediators, he has scheduled an election for this month without allowing the reforms necessary to make it free and fair. Opposition leaders once again are being hunted and persecuted. This time, however, the United States and European Union seem to be giving Mr. Mugabe the benefit of the doubt. Many of the sanctions imposed on the country were lifted after a referendum on a new constitution in March. EU officials have promised the rest will be removed if the election, which began with early voting this week and concludes July 31, is judged free and fair by African observers. During his recent tour of Africa, President Obama declared that “ there is an opportunity to move forward” in Zimbabwe “ if there is an election that is free and fair and peaceful.” As was already clear when Mr. Obama made that statement on June 30, Zimbabwe’s vote will meet none of those tests. Amnesty International reported that military and police forces have carried out an “ alarming clampdown” on the opposition, including “ systematic raids and arbitrary arrests” of activists. In a similar report, Human Rights Watch said soldiers had deployed around the country to beat and harass supporters of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. “ The chances of having free, fair and credible elections,” it said, “ are slim.” As part of accords brokered by the South African Development Community, Zimbabwe was to have implemented reforms of the security forces and media and cleaned up its electoral register before any election. Mr. Mugabe called the vote before any of this was done. The heads of the army and police are longtime regime loyalists who refused even to meet with Mr. Tsvangirai. State television has been broadcasting Mr. Mugabe’s campaign events while demanding that his opponent pay $ 165,000 for coverage of his opening rally. A study of the voter rolls by Zimbabwean groups showed massive distortions: An unrealistic 99.97 per cent of the rural population was reported to have registered, compared with only 68 per cent in the cities, where the opposition is stronger. A million younger voters who became eligible since 2008 have been left off the rolls. None of this should surprise any observer of Zimbabwe, where Mr. Mugabe, in office since 1980, has never hesitated to use force, ballot- rigging or appeals to racism and xenophobia to remain in power. Though his health is reportedly weakening, leaders of his ruling party are preparing to perpetuate the regime after his death, including through changes to the just- approved constitution. The question is whether their manoeuvring will be tolerated by the SADC, which is led by South Africa, and by western governments. With their own monitors banned by Mr. Mugabe, EU officials say they will depend on the regional group’s judgment of whether the elections are fair. That won’t be a hard call to make; the question is whether Zimbabwe’s neighbours and the West will have the fortitude to tell the truth about the election, and to act accordingly. The Washington Post What will West do after Mugabe rigs another election? JINO DISTASIO LLOYD AXWORTHY Time to tackle the rooming- house paradox International court more than a symbol Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe THE ASSOCIATED PRESS ARCHIVES Slobodan Milosevic enters the International Criminal Court in The Hague, Netherlands. Yes. More women and Manitobans in cabinet is a good thing 19% I’ll wait to see how they do before deciding 22% No. It’s more of the same 48% I thought the ‘ cabinet shuffle’ was some sort of dance 11% A_ 09_ Jul- 17- 13_ FP_ 01. indd A9 7/ 16/ 13 7: 24: 36 PM ;