Winnipeg Free Press

Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - March 7, 2022, Winnipeg, Manitoba C M Y K PAGE A7 NEWS I TOPIC ● WINNIPEGFREEPRESS.COM A7MONDAY, MARCH 7, 2022 THINK TANK PERSPECTIVES EDITOR: BRAD OSWALD 204-697-7269 ● BRAD.OSWALD@FREEPRESS.MB.CA ● WINNIPEGFREEPRESS.COM A7 MONDAY MARCH 7, 2022 Ideas, Issues, Insights SUPPLIED The ‘Tin Can Cathedral’ was constructed in the early 1900s using old lumber and assorted scrap materials. Ukrainian influences are everywhere I N the face of unspeakable adversity, the world is currently witnessing the resilient and cour-ageous character of the Ukrainian people. A century ago, these traits would prove vital for the thousands of hard-working peasant farmers who came to the inhospitable Canadian west in search of a new beginning. As partners in a shared story, we on the Prairies have forged a deep connection with the people of Ukraine. Today, this legacy shapes our towns and cities, physically manifested most prominently through Ukrainian religious architecture that has become an intrinsic part of many communities. Drive across the Prairies between Winnipeg and Ed- monton, and you’ll find the characteristic domes of Ukrainian churches piercing the sky as often as the iconic grain elevators. When the early settlers arrived in the 1890s, a small chapel that combined local construction techniques with traditional Ukrainian shapes was often one of the first buildings to be constructed. Amazingly, three of these tiny chapels still stand in Manitoba, including St. Michael’s Church at Trembowla, near Dauphin, the oldest remaining Ukrainian church in Canada. Constructed in 1898 and measuring only 4 x 5 metres, the building has horizontal wood siding covering mud-plastered log walls, enclosed by a simple gable roof that is adorned with a tiny, handcrafted onion dome. As more Ukrainian settlers moved to the Prairies, most of these small structures would be replaced by more prominent wooden church buildings that are still commonly seen rising above cities and towns across the West. After the turn of the century, Ukrainian immi- grants began settling in Winnipeg, attracted by the boom in Canadian railway construction. They settled in neighbourhoods adjacent to the CPR rail yards, because employment could be found in railway construction crews, or in repair and iron works shops. This connection to the railway made Winnipeg’s North End a large Ukrainian resi- dential enclave and is the reason so many iconic Ukrainian churches are found in the neighbour- hood today. Ukrainian and Jewish businesses were also in- strumental in establishing Selkirk Avenue as the neighbourhood’s commercial high-street. As the North End grew, small wooden Ukrainian churches began to rise at almost every corner. In 1904, one of the most unique buildings ever constructed in Winnipeg went up at King Street and Stella Avenue. A year earlier, a vaga- bond priest named Bishop Seraphim arrived in Winnipeg from New York and immediately found a following among Ukrainian Greek Catholics. After he took over a small independent church on McGregor Street, the established churches re- acted by orchestrating a coup while Seraphim was away. He returned from a trip abroad to find that he had lost his chapel, and responded immediately by starting construction on a building that came to be known as the Tin Can Cathedral. He and his followers built the structure by hand, using anything they could find, resulting in what might be described as a giant piece of three-dimensional folk art. A post card sent at the time described it as “built of old lumber, scrap iron, tin cans, stove pipes, and domestic articles.” The makeshift Tin Can Cathedral was de- stroyed by vandals after a few years, but it remains a reminder of the resourcefulness of Ukrainian people and is a unique piece of the North End’s history. By the 1940s, Winnipeg had become the institu- tional centre of Ukrainian church life in Canada. As the community’s wealth and influence grew, the small wooden churches in the North End began to be replaced by great soaring edifices. In 1947, Ukrainian Catholic Metropolitan Cathedral of Sts. Vladimir & Olga began construction on McGregor Street. Its vast interior space is one of the most breath- taking in the city, adorned with Leo Mol-designed stained glass windows and ornate decoration. Demonstrating that famous Ukrainian resource- fulness, the beautiful ceiling is made of a type of acoustic tile that you might find at the family cot- tage, disguised under spectacular painted murals. The early 1950s saw other grand Ukrainian churches built in the North End, including Holy Trinity Cathedral, with its five onion domes ris- ing dramatically over Main Street near Redwood. Its towering design was the result of a worldwide competition and was modelled after the Saint Sophia Cathedral in central Kyiv. Representing a vibrant and forward-thinking community, later designs of Ukrainian churches in the North End evolved beyond traditional ar- chitectural vocabularies and stand as some of the most dynamic examples of Modernist architec- ture in the city. The delicate lace towers of Saint Joseph’s Church on Jefferson Avenue near Main Street, and St. Nicholas Church on Bannerman Avenue, a stunning modern interpretation of the Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, are two of the finest Modern- ist buildings of any kind in the city. Winnipeg’s North End, and countless towns across the Canadian Prairies, demonstrate the deep connection we have with the people of Ukraine. Our shared history is physically imprinted in the DNA of these communities, a reminder of a common bond that reinforces our support for them in a time of extreme hardship. Brent Bellamy is senior design architect for Number Ten Architectural Group. Is Russia playing in U.S.’s backyard? DON’T look only to the east. You might forget about what’s actually happening in the west. Of course, that’s precisely what Russian President Vladimir Putin wants us to do. But important things are happening in the western hemisphere — namely, in Latin America and the Caribbean. The Russians are clearly look- ing to make inroads, political, economically and geo-strategically, in the Americas. By early February, Argentine President Alberto Fernández arrived in Moscow to visit Putin. While the leftist Fernández thanked Putin for the shipments of Russia’s Sputnik COVID-19 vaccines to his country, both leaders acknowledged that they shared “similar approaches” and were will- ing to collaborate in several policy fields. “We protect sovereignty and the supremacy of international law. We are going to co-ordinate our approaches on international platforms within the UN, and co-operate in the G20,” Putin remarked. Two weeks later, embattled Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro showed up to shake Putin’s hand at the Kremlin. With trade, nuclear energy and military co-operation topping the agenda, both Bolsonaro and Putin spoke glowingly of their “friendship and mutual understanding.” In a final statement, the two leaders added that they “share the opinion that conflicts should be resolved through peaceful and diplomatic means.” Recently, Putin also made a slew of calls to po- litical leaders in Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua, to name a few. You can be sure that they weren’t discussing the Winter Olympics in China. Indeed, there has been wild speculation that Moscow is intent on deploying substantial military assets to these countries. In a telephone call to Cuban President Miguel Díaz- Canel, Putin raised the issue of a “strategic partner- ship” with the Caribbean island. He also apparently broached the topic of additional co-ordination with Havana on “actions in the international arena.” There have been recent discussions between the two countries about strengthening military co-op- eration. Some are even still speculating about Russia at some point reopening its Cold War-era listening post just outside of Havana, which was shut down by Putin in 2001 for cost-saving rea- sons. But I wouldn’t bet the mortgage on that. Why is Russia so eager to carve out some space for itself in the Americas? Does Moscow really have vital interests at stake in Latin America? Or, is it looking to provoke Washington officialdom and to recruit friends in what has historically been regarded as a U.S. “sphere of influence”? It certainly looks like Moscow is less concerned about advancing its core offensive and defen- sive interests and more interested in poking the Americans in the eye. For the Russians, it’s more of a propaganda tool and a way to make the U.S. uncomfortable in its own “backyard.” Additionally, it may be the case that the Rus- sians are trolling for Latin American votes at the UN in New York — where Brazil is currently a non-permanent member of the Security Coun- cil. But strengthening relations in the Americas also provides the Kremlin with the possibility to reconfirm Russia’s global power status (exter- nally and domestically), to take advantage of any export/investment opportunities in the region (where overall trade has increased from US$5.6 billion in 2000 to US$14.1 billion in 2019) and, in particular, to utilize Cuba’s geographical location. Moreover, as tensions build between Russia and the U.S. over Ukraine, Moscow is more anxious to play the Latin America card. Not only do visits from the two largest South American countries, Brazil and Argentina, confer legitimacy on Putin, but they also poke holes in the hemispheric alignment Wash- ington is so bent on constructing against Russia. It’s true that all of these Latin American countries have their own particular reasons for improving relations with Russia. Among them is signalling their political independence from Washington and their willingness to find counter- weights to U.S. dominance in the region. The fact of the matter is that Russia is making advances in the Americas because the U.S. pres- ence in the hemisphere has diminished signifi- cantly over the last 20 years or so. Stated differ- ently, the Kremlin is filling a gap or space that was essentially ignored or vacated by Washington. So if the U.S. wants to counter Russian en- croachment in Latin America, it needs to come off the sidelines and get back in the regional game. It needs to start paying serious attention to the Americas, reaching out to many of the countries in the hemisphere (including Cuba) and building stronger relationships and expanding its footprint across a wide array of policy and issue-areas. Failing to do so will only open the door wider for Russia (and even China) to solidify a stronger base in the region. Peter McKenna is professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island in Charlottetown. Zelenskyy’s six words galvanized the West RUSSIAN President Vladimir Putin’s inva- sion of Ukraine went sideways within hours because he misjudged the stubborn indepen- dence of the Ukrainian people. He is a small man afraid to be in a room with his own supporters. How would he understand people afraid of nothing? Still, given the dominance of blowhards in this incipient century, Putin wasn’t the only one surprised to see the world changed by six short words. Asked if he wished to be evacu- ated to safety, Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy replied: “I need ammunition, not a ride.” Winston Churchill’s ghost is sick with envy. With six words, Zelensky jolted the deca- dent democracies awake: either they help this man and his people, or they give the world up to the likes of Mad Vlad. During a panel convened by the American Academy in Berlin last Tuesday, veteran German diplomat Wolfgang Ischinger mar- velled at Putin’s strong dose of unintended consequences: “NATO strengthened… the European Union united… the idea of the West reaffirmed.” Yet, in a crisis likely to grow much worse before it gets better, he warned: “I’m not sure how solid these are in the long term.” Well. Putin has crossed his Rubicon and burned his boats. He has shown in Chechnya and Syria that he will bomb civilian centres to rubble. But a nation with Stalingrad in its past should know that grandmothers who shoulder rifles and youths who fashion gasoline bombs will fight even in rubble. Western allies can supply Ukraine’s resis- tance indefinitely, but Russia is a third-rate economy, already overstretched. Inevitably, the time will come, whether slowly or quickly, when Russian soldiers grow tired of dying for a germophobic mob boss in Moscow. If, that is, the west remains solid. Putin’s bluff has been called. Now let’s look at his cards. Though rising commodity prices recently improved Russia’s cash position, in broader terms the country is an economic basket case. This was true even before the developed world imposed drastic sanctions. Russia’s 144 million people together generate less gross do- mestic product than the roughly 19.5 million residents of New York state. The capacity of the West to produce tank-killing missiles is virtually unlimited; Russia’s capacity to replace burned tanks is paltry. Russia is a Potemkin power. It has zero seaworthy aircraft carriers — fewer than Thailand. The only one it owns has been out of commission for years and might not survive Russian “repairs.” As for his nukes: Putin loves to talk about them. But nuclear weapons are of no practical use except as defensive shields. Contrary to Putin’s paranoid ravings, no one has offensive designs against Russia. But there is a scenario by which Putin escapes the noose he has placed around his neck. By escalating the violence in Ukraine, he might yet force the Zelenskyy government into an insurgency and install a de-facto regime. Though fierce resistance would con- tinue, Putin would gain control of the original Nord Stream natural gas pipeline that runs overland from Russia through Ukraine. Germany — and others in Europe — would be offered the seductive chance to buy Putin’s gas while hiding behind the fig leaf of the Nord Stream 2 sanctions. That could be a fatal crack in the strong allied response to Putin’s rape of Ukraine. Zelenskyy’s courage has thrown open a window of opportunity to be free of Putin and Putinism. But the window will slam shut if the west fails to make hard choices. Europe must be more energy independent, starting with Germany. Step 1: keep the remaining nuclear power plants going. Step 2: accelerate capacity to import liquid natural gas. Another challenge will be weaning the West from the laundered spoils of Russian oligarchs. The glamour and luxury of places such as London and South Florida are propped up by Putin and his friends. Without them, property values are likely to fall. Switzerland might find bank profits squeezed when it purges itself of secret Russian accounts. Putin has one remaining superpower: he is shameless. He does the West’s dirty work, and it has taught him to hold the west in contempt. He pumps oil and gas so westerners can stay warm while pretending to go green. He steals billions and diverts the money into western cities so developers can build more luxury condos and aircraft manufacturers can sell more private jets. Six words from Zelenskyy have revived the spirit of the world’s allied democracies. But the temptation to vice always creeps back. Pu- tin will be beaten, unless we defeat ourselves. — The Washington Post BRENT BELLAMY PETER MCKENNA DAVID VON DREHLE A_07_Mar-07-22_FP_01.indd 7 2022-03-06 10:58 AM ;