Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - March 22, 2024, Winnipeg, Manitoba
Where blame lies
Re: Heads up would have been nice, Fontaine
says of chief (March 21)
A question for families critic Lauren Stone.
Who ran the system for the last seven years? Are
you trying to tell us that this violent behaviour by
youth in care started five months ago ?
URSULA DELFING
Winnipeg
Toxic circumstances
Re: We must deal with toxic drug supplies (Think
Tank, March 22)
I greatly appreciated Arlene Last-Kolb’s Think
Tank article.
I have had some exposure to individuals suffer-
ing from addiction. Several of these individuals
died before they could achieve a stabilized level
of recovery. One compounding factor in the
understanding of these deaths was the potential
for them having received “toxic drugs.” This is a
term which is often heard, but seems to be vague-
ly if ever defined.
In some of these cases, people made purchas-
es which they believe to be one drug, but which
turned out to be either a mixture of other drugs
or simply as totally different drug. Many addict-
ed individuals have received a relatively steady
supply of a drug, often from one source. In this
example, the expectation is of a “safe” consistent
supply of the drug. This an attempt of the individ-
uals who are addicted attempting to decrease the
risk by using a “regular” source, often one who
uses the same drugs that they sell. When the orig-
inating source of the drugs is altered, occasional-
ly consciously, occasionally by misadventure, the
now “toxic drug” is passed on through the supply
chain to the user.
Another fairly frequent occurrence happens
when users of stimulants, i.e. cocaine and am-
phetamines, cannot obtain it and in desperation,
instead obtain some variety of “down,” of which
fentanyl is one example. The results can be
tragic.
As drugs of abuse have, over time, become
more potent, the risk of receiving toxic drugs in-
creases. The higher-potency drugs require more
awareness and skill when they are divided and
packaged. This is compounded through the sup-
ply chain. Some involved in this supply process
don’t have the knowledge, some don’t care about
the potential negative outcomes.
These are just some of the circumstances relat-
ing to “toxic drug supply.” Hopefully the discus-
sion and dissemination of information regarding
the nature of what “toxic drug supply” is will help
us move forward with establishing compassionate
and ongoing treatment options for these individ-
uals.
DICK FORBES, RPN BA
Winnipeg
Buffer zone bill should do more
Re: Tories want anti-abortion protest ban ex-
panded to other forms of protest, other locations
(March 21)
The proposed legislation to create buffer zones
around clinics that provide abortions is long over-
due. My problem with the bill is that it doesn’t go
far enough.
I would like to see a compromise between the
NDP and opposition Conservatives, which sees
all protests be restricted to a prescribed buffer
zone, regardless of context. It ought not matter as
to one’s motives to engage in protest, but it should
matter that all are treated equally.
DAN DONAHUE
Winnipeg
Amateur criticisms
Tory health critic Kathleen Cook plans to move
an amendment to the NDP’s bill banning abortion
protests around places that provide these medical
services. The new health critic claims the NDP is
using the bill as a wedge issue, and that all people
deserve protection from all protesters and strik-
ers, not only people seeking abortions.
This paper has been pointing out that the
NDP’s learning curve is getting on the long side,
but should we not also be concerned that the
health critic has no relevant illuminations to add
to this? Instead, a red herring has been thrown
onto the table to send an anti-union message
instead of a human rights one; what a twist.
The people protesting at abortion clinics are
protesting the people getting a valid and im-
portant medical service, something they should
be able to do privately. Strikers don’t typically
harass patients, if at all. The health critic must
be aware of this distinction, yet points a finger
accusing the government of doing precisely what
she is doing. Donald Trump uses this tactic daily,
1,000 times before lunch.
Abortion is a third rail of Manitoba PC politics,
and this was an amateur attempt to comment on
this bill while avoiding speaking directly to what
the bill is about. It looks as if Candace Bergen,
who ran the PC election campaign, still has the
party divining rod tightly in her grasp.
Perhaps the last election was actually a dis-
guised right-wing takeover of a party that has yet
to recover, learn, and grow from the collapse of
the Filmon era.
HERB NEUFELD
Winnipeg
Focus on the bridge
How many projects does Winnipeg Mayor Scott
Gillingham want to work on at one time, to make
this a bottleneck city? Maybe Gillingham should
put his focus and resources on repairing or re-
placing the Arlington Bridge first.
With an overabundance of traffic on Salter and
McPhillips streets already, now he wants to dis-
rupt downtown traffic. People don’t want to sit in
traffic while driving home from work every day.
Maybe the mayor can get his priorities straight,
$50 million to $70 million could do wonders for
the Arlington Bridge.
WILLY MARTENS
Winnipeg
Multi-tier system
Re: Time, money needed for trip to Moose Jaw
clinic gets to heart of crumbling, unequal health
system (March 19)
I have an inconvenient truth for columnist Tom
Brodbeck. We already have several tiers of health
care for Manitobans.
The first tier is for “regular citizens” of
Manitoba.
The second tier is for wealthy individuals who
can afford to go out of province or country for
personal health care.
The third tier is for Workers Compensation
Board or members of Parliament or members of
the Canadian military, who get guaranteed quick
access to medical care. The Canada Health Act is
currently a farce. It promises timely health care
to all citizens.
DON PAETKAU, MD FRCP(C), RETIRED
Winnipeg
Another failure
Re: No panic as city fuel supply shut off (March
19)
This is yet another example of the government
failing to protect the interests of the electorate
for the benefit of corporate entities (campaign
donors?). Free enterprise requires a number of
players (possibly 10 or more) in any market seg-
ment to drive competition and innovation. With
one or two players in any area, consumers suffer
and corporate profits rise.
Canada has some of the highest phone and
internet prices in the world (two main players
with no real competition?), and a small number of
corporations controlling the food production and
delivery systems.
The most recent example of this is the shut-
down of a pipeline delivering gas to Winnipeg.
With no other players in the market will anyone
be surprised by a surge in gas prices in Winni-
peg?
There is a government agency that should
be preventing this failure of free enterprise.
The Competition Bureau is the independent law
enforcement agency in charge of regulating com-
petition in Canada, responsible for ensuring that
markets operate in a competitive manner.
From my point of view, this agency has failed
its mandate and residents of Canada are paying
the price for its failure.
MARK STOKES
Winnipeg
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A6 FRIDAY MARCH 22, 2024
Individual rights aren’t the only rights
L
EGALLY, it’s the end of the line.
A group of Manitoba churches that argued
their rights were violated during the days
of strict COVID-19 health orders has run out of
options.
The Supreme Court of Canada refused to hear
the case last week, after two lower courts had
ruled against them.
The churches had argued that public health
orders between 2020-21 that prohibited large
indoor gatherings effectively violated their rights
to freedom in their religious practice.
They were correct that the Charter rights of
individual churchgoers were violated.
In fact, the government of Manitoba agreed
in court that a series of individual rights were
violated by its public health orders that banned
worship.
One can understand why people who find com-
fort and support in their faith would want to be
free to practise their religion, especially during
a crisis. But there’s more to it than the rights of
individuals.
The judgments that led up to the application to
appeal to the Supreme Court all came to the same
conclusion: that individual Charter rights are not
absolute when weighed against the public good
and societal rights, which, by the way, are also
protected by the Charter of Rights.
As the appeal court ruled when reviewing the
first judgment in the case: “However, (the judge)
concluded that (the public health orders) achieved
the important societal benefit of protecting
the health and safety of others, especially the
vulnerable. He considered that they were only in
effect for as long as necessary to ‘regain control
over community transmission and alleviate the
intense strain on the hospitals’ and intensive care
units. He underscored that Manitoba’s modelling
projections were proven to be correct. He noted
the (public health orders) were constantly re-eval-
uated as the pandemic progressed … In the result,
the application judge found that Manitoba had
demonstrated that any restriction on the identi-
fied Charter rights flowing from the impugned
public health orders was justified as a reasonable
limit and constitutionally defensible under section
1 of the Charter.”
The last judge to hear the case, in the Manito-
ba Court of Appeal, laid the final argument out
succinctly. “Considering all of the above, I would
not interfere with the application judge’s finding
that, ‘When examining the benefits of Manito-
ba’s response in the face of the threat of such a
deadly pandemic, it is reasonable and rational
to conclude that despite the undeniable hard-
ships caused by the limitations on fundamental
freedoms, the salutary benefits far outweigh the
deleterious effect.’”
By refusing to hear the appeal, the Supreme
Court is in essence saying it accepts that ruling.
Legally, that’s the last word on the case.
It certainly won’t be the end of the complaints.
The COVID-19 pandemic revealed much about
our society, including the extent to which people’s
trust in experts, authority figures and public
institutions had degraded. You can argue that
people’s willingness to be part of an overarching
community was degraded as well — much of the
need for “freedom” in the public discourse now is
personal freedom, regardless of the impacts on a
broader society.
Most would like to believe Canada is a land
bound by the rule of law.
The thing is, just because you didn’t get your
way doesn’t mean the rule of law hasn’t prevailed.
Sometimes, you fight the law and the law wins —
because you’re wrong.
Perhaps the best thing we could find from the
Supreme Court’s last chapter in this story is a
kind of reconciliation: an agreement and rec-
ognition that yes, individual religious freedoms
were restricted. And that, also, yes: sometimes
individual freedoms have to be restricted for the
general public good.
That is, after all, the difficult balance the Char-
ter of Rights is supposed to seek out.
EDITORIAL
Published since 1872 on Treaty 1 territory and the homeland of the Métis
SEAN KILPATRICK /THE CANADIAN PRESS FILES
The Supreme Court refused to hear the appeal by
Manitoba churches.
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