Winnipeg Free Press

Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - July 26, 2024, Winnipeg, Manitoba WHEN I asked President Emmanuel Macron about the multidimensional mess gripping France on the eve of the Paris Summer Olympics, he pushed back resolutely, brimming with reassur- ance. “Don’t worry,” he said, as I buttonholed him at a reception Monday amid the splendor of the Élysée Palace, seat of the French presidency. Don’t worry, he insisted, that France appears far from being able to form a government — the upshot, it is widely agreed, of his rash decision to call snap elections that have left the country with a hung Parliament, politically paralyzed. Don’t worry, he repeated, about the functioning of government departments, now administered by holdovers from a cabinet that has resigned. Without the elections, he told me, France would have remained seized by “resentment.” The vote, he said, was required as a means of “clarifica- tion.” But, in nearly the same breath, Macron ac- knowledged that France, in fact, has plenty to worry about — especially given that a hard-right party, National Rally, founded by Nazi sympathiz- ers and still in thrall to bigotry and intolerance, was by far the leading vote-getter in the elections earlier this month. The French president hardly needed to be re- minded of that outcome, which has been broadly misinterpreted as a triumph of republican values and a rejection of the far right. In fact, National Rally now controls a quarter of the seats in the National Assembly, a huge gain, and outpolled both Macron’s own centrist bloc as well as a leftist coalition by more than three million votes. “That’s why we need concrete policies,” he add- ed, “to avoid the National Rally” winning France’s presidency “in three years’ time.” France’s drift is also a threat to Europe. Without French leadership, the continent, too, is increasingly rudderless. Germany, beset by an anemic economy and a dysfunctional government, is a “void at Europe’s heart,” as the Economist put it this week. Despite Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s pledges to stand up to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s aggression in Ukraine and bolster Germany’s own feeble mili- tary, Berlin’s latest budget slashes aid to Kyiv and does almost nothing to boost domestic defense spending. If France continues its slide, Europe will face a leadership vacuum at the very moment it needs to assume a greater role in its own security, given the likelihood of a sharp U.S. shift in priorities toward Asia. And if Donald Trump wins the U.S. presidency in November, he will take note that the continent’s richest and biggest powers are not just reluctant to take the helm, but increasingly incapable of doing so. Macron is France’s most powerful politician; he is also its most reviled. Whatever impulse prompted his folly in call- ing snap elections, he is right that without real achievements, the French hard right — whose anti-Muslim, anti-immigration bigotry animates its platform and many of its partisans — is now poised at the threshold of power. Yet how can France enact the “concrete poli- cies” Macron prescribes to avoid such an outcome when he himself has blown to bits the country’s own government? “But what has he done to France?” the newsweekly Le Point lamented in a Macron cover story last week. It falls to the president to select a new prime minister who can survive a confidence vote in the legislature, now fractured into several mutually hostile camps, none of them close to commanding a majority. However, should Macron choose any- one remotely resembling a political ally from or allied with his centrist party, the very fact of his imprimatur could be the kiss of death. In a rational world, the way forward would be obvious: a new government buttressed by a broad alliance of the centre. That would mean Ma- cron’s centrist bloc joining forces with moderate elements from the leftist coalition, which includes environmentalists and pragmatic Socialists, as well as a conservative party called the Republi- cans. But France these days is in many ways an irra- tional world, at least in political terms. And it has no recent tradition of multiparty coalition-build- ing to form a government, which is standard in Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and many other European countries. On Tuesday, Macron rejected a candidate for prime minister proposed by the leftist coalition; he said next month he would name his pick, as is his right under the French constitution. However, it is equally the Parliament’s right to refuse his choice with a vote of no-confidence. The French system of government, and its con- stitution, have been exposed as unfit for purpose. The nation is balkanized, incapacitated, embit- tered. Without a consensus among lawmakers, to say nothing of the appointment of a new prime minister and government, France would be hard pressed to pass a budget or basic spending bills. Paris is bedecked with Olympic signs and symbols; the Eiffel Tower has been impressively accessorized with the Game’s iconic rings. It is a moment, Macron told the Élysée reception, for the world to enjoy French gastronomy, style and savoir-faire. Just under the surface, though, is a nation at an impasse. Unswayed by its president’s wan reas- surances, France is worried, with good reason. Lee Hockstader has been The Washington Post’s European Affairs columnist, based in Paris, since 2023. THINK TANK COMMENT EDITOR: RUSSELL WANGERSKY 204-697-7269 ● RUSSELL.WANGERSKY@WINNIPEGFREEPRESS.COM A7 FRIDAY JULY 26, 2023 Ideas, Issues, Insights Don’t axe the facts W ITH all the hubbub over axing the carbon tax, I’ve been doing a bit of research and I’m hugely puzzled by something. Why is it that 90 per cent of Canadians think climate change is real and more than 70 per cent want something done about it but 50 per cent also be- lieve that the carbon tax should be scrapped? It’s a bit of a puzzle, isn’t it? Although, when you consider the impact of inflation, combined with the carbon tax hysteria whipped up by conserva- tive leader, Pierre Poilievre, it’s not terribly sur- prising that so many Canadians — most of whom want to see decisive action on climate change — are up in arms about the tax. Plus there are a few other factors at play here, like the fact that many Canadians don’t really understand how the tax works or why it was initiated. It’s a reality only exacerbated by a steady stream of misinformation and half-truths currently being broadcast on TV and social media by climate deniers, right wing fringe groups, oil lobbyists and who knows who else. So what exactly is the carbon tax and how is it supposed to work? The short answer is it’s an incentive tax — an incentive for big industrial and corporate pollut- ers, as well as consumers, to switch to alternative energy, rather than using the carbon-based fuels that produce the carbon dioxide emissions that drive climate change. Switch to electric, wind, solar or geothermal et voila — you pay no carbon tax. It’s also important to note that 90 per cent of the tax paid by Canadian consumers for gasoline or home heating is returned to them in rebate cheques sent by mail or directly deposited into their bank accounts four times a year. Which is why I’m gobsmacked when people fiercely proclaim that they’ve never received the rebates. I always assumed that most people kept track of what’s deposited into their bank accounts. Appar- ently not. “Okay,” I hear you say. “So maybe I do get the rebate, but what’s the point? Why tax consumers at all if most of it is returned?” Well, people being people, the theory behind the carbon tax is that by watching gas prices climb, we’ll eventually see the advantage of switching to sustainable energy — say, a hybrid car or geother- mal heating — and that we’ll use our quarterly rebate cheques plus government grants to switch energy sources. As for big industry polluters, there is no rebate. They simply continue to pay a steadily increasing carbon tax until they realize that switching to renewable energy is a whole lot cheaper. Now, some of you will probably say it’s not that simple and that the carbon tax is one of the main factors driving inflation. Turns out the answer to that is — no, not really. In fact, according to the Bank of Canada, the carbon tax contributes less than 0.2 per cent to our current inflation rate. And if that sounds relatively small, that’s because it is. “But wait!” the axe the tax crowd chimes in. “What about the knock-on effects of the carbon tax. It’s driving up food prices because all those long haul truckers have to pay more for their diesel.” Hmmm. That one sounds a bit more convincing, doesn’t it? So let’s take a look at how much the big grocery chains have made over the past few years despite the higher cost of transporting their goods. In the first four months of 2024, Superstore, for example, reported almost $500 million in profit, about a 10 per cent increase over the first quarter in 2023. So given those record-breaking profits, why has the cost of food risen by an estimated 11 per cent over the past two years, especially given that higher gas prices account for a mere 0.3 per cent of the price hikes we’re seeing? I leave you to answer that. In fact, as far as I can see, the only group need- ing carbon tax relief are family farmers and they should definitely get it, along with the incentive grants needed to switch to their barns and grain driers to sustainable energy by 2030. You know, Mark Twain once said “Never let the facts get in the way of a good story,” and he’s right. Because after doing a little research, I’ve discovered that the stories circulating about the carbon tax are, indeed, more fiction than fact. So what’s moral of this story? Well, if you find yourself worried sick about climate change and its potential impacts, then stop shouting “Axe the tax” and stick to the facts. Like the fact that without the tax, our carbon emissions would have been an estimated 20 mega- tons higher in 2022. Which, by the way, is the equivalent of all the emissions produced in Manitoba in just one year. Erna Buffie is a writer and filmmaker. Read more @ https://www. ernabuffie.com/ The Olympic torch lights up a political mess An important step IT seems like nary a day goes by without a flurry of news popping up about Winnipeg’s North End Water Pollution Control Centre, or NEWPCC, the mega wastewater project for our city. First up, we welcomed the news that an interim solution to reduce the amount of phosphorus that facility spills back into the watershed became fully operational. Last week, we learned that the overall project won’t be extended until 2032 (and has to stick to its original 2030 deadline), just after the City of Winnipeg awarded a consortium of construction firms a $95-million contract to design and develop the next phase of upgrades. It sounds like a lot — likely because it is. So, let me break it down for you a little. First up, let’s consider the science behind all these decisions. In a nutshell, phosphorus causes algal blooms in freshwater lakes — those dense layers of smelly and unsightly tiny green plants that occur on the surface of lakes in the summer — to which dwellers or fre- quenters of Lake Winnipeg are certainly no stranger. They’re ugly and annoying but they’re also pernicious and can be toxic to flora and fau- na within the freshwater bodies they invade, as well as those who dive into them. Over 50 years of unparalleled freshwater science undertaken at IISD Experimental Lakes Area, just a few hours from the city, have taught us that reducing how much phosphorus enters into a watershed is essen- tial to reducing algal bloom proliferation. Phosphorus is what we need to focus on. Which is why, the fact that both the prov- ince and the city have prioritized tackling phosphorus and putting in place an interim solution, even as long-term upgrades are ongoing, is worth celebrating. Then, the decision to stick with a 2030 deadline. They’re on the hook for 2030 to bring the NEWPCC emissions of phosphorus down to 1 mg/L but with this interim solution in place, there might be ways to get there sooner. Manitoba’s 100,000 lakes can’t wait that long, hence the recent deployment of a system using ferric chloride to yank the phosphorus out of the NEWPCC’s liquid waste. And is there anything else that can help us get to that regulated need for 1mg/l? This is where the that third recent piece of news comes in. One limitation of the interim phos- phorus solution is that it creates more sludge than the current facility can handle. As the new contractors start on the design and im- plementation of the biosolids phase, it might be well within their means to ensure that the interim solution brings us to regulated limits by the 2030 deadline. Now, that would truly be cause for cele- bration! While no one knows for a fact exactly how much phosphorus will be saved using ferric chloride at the NEWPCC, initial signs are looking good, and I, along with colleagues at the Lake Winnipeg Foundation and all the interested denizens of our city, will be keep- ing a close eye on its effectiveness over the coming months and years. And, as before, and even as we celebrate, we will continue to ask about how and when we will reach that regulated limit as some of these plans unfold. Manitobans know how important our riv- ers and lakes are to our provincial identity and wellbeing, and with Lake Winnipeg recently being awarded the honour of being one of the most beautiful lakes in the world, many more sets of eyes are on our flagship freshwater body. While the recent wins at the NEWPCC are but pieces of the puzzle, it’s a great step forward in the ongoing work needed to be done to reduce phosphorus and protect fresh water in Manitoba, in Canada and across the globe. Dimple Roy is the director, Water Management, for the Inter- national Institute for Sustainable Development. ERNA BUFFIE LEE HOCKSTADER DIMPLE ROY BROOK JONES / FREE PRESS Conservative Party of Canada Leader Pierre Poilievre talks to supporters during his ‘Spike the Hike - Axe the Tax’ rally at the RBC Convention Centre in Winnipeg in March. In a nutshell, phosphorus causes algal blooms in freshwater lakes — those dense layers of smelly and unsightly tiny green plants that occur on the surface of lakes in the summer — to which dwellers or frequenters of Lake Winnipeg are certainly no stranger. ;