Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - July 29, 2024, Winnipeg, Manitoba
THINK
TANK
COMMENT EDITOR: RUSSELL WANGERSKY 204-697-7269
●
RUSSELL.WANGERSKY@WINNIPEGFREEPRESS.COM
A7 MONDAY JULY 29, 2024
Ideas, Issues, Insights
History repeats — unless we’re careful
I
CAUGHT up with VeRA on a sunny Manitoba
summer evening recently. It was just the two
of us — and hundreds more Manitobans of
all ages, milling about the static display of the
only Avro Lancaster bomber still flying in North
America.
Our relationship goes back to the summer of
1988, when I heard (and watched) the first flights
out of the Mount Hope airport, where she was
restored to flying condition. Living in rural An-
caster, it seemed the practice circuits always took
her overhead.
I remember well when VeRA was joined by two
other vintage aircraft, a Hawker Hurricane and
a Supermarine Spitfire, for her official inaugural
flight.
Sadly, five years later, a fire at the airport
destroyed the Hurricane, the Spitfire and several
other aircraft, along with the hangar and main-
tenance records. Only the heroism of the local
volunteer fire brigades saved VeRA — I remem-
ber a tow truck removing a stalled fuel tanker
from near the fire, and the aircrew installing her
wheels so VeRA could be towed to safety.
But there is more to the story. VeRA is official-
ly the Andrew Mynarski VC Memorial Lancast-
er. When I was very young, in Calgary, I first
learned about Mynarski’s heroism because his
cousin, Walter, was a friend of my parents. After
we moved to Winnipeg in 1967, I was the first to
spot the Royal Canadian Legion branch on Main
Street, named in his honour.
Later, while teaching on the base at 17
th
Wing,
I also saw his Victoria Cross on display in the
NORAD bunker, where one of my grad students
had gotten us special access one quiet evening for
our seminar.
So, having also visited VeRA at the new Cana-
dian Warplane Heritage Museum in Mount Hope,
I had to welcome her to Winnipeg, Mynarski’s
hometown.
But it was an evening, and a week, of mixed
emotions. I am sure the hosts were thrilled by the
turnout — it was remarkable how many people
lined up for hours, with their often-small children
and grandchildren, to tour through the airplane.
Yet, as my summer course on militarism winds
down, I was troubled: how many of the people
there knew why that aircraft was built, or why
55,573 people died in Bomber Command, along
with many thousands more on the ground? We
teach so little military history in schools or
universities that I doubt many of those present
really knew much.
From a young age, I was just as enthusiastic
about that history as the kids that scampered
around VeRA. I would often recite the story of
Andrew Mynarski from memory — unsolicited —
and my reading involved all kinds of books about
the Second World War and flying in general.
Unfortunately, both for lack of opportunity and
means, I have never visited those battlefields
or cemeteries across the ocean. Yet I have lived
with the thoughts and words of the people who
fought and sometimes died, and try to commu-
nicate something of their wartime experience to
my students today.
Canadian military historian Tim Cook refers
to the Second World War as “the necessary war,”
the one we needed (as Canadians) to fight against
fascist tyranny and its underlying ideas that
otherwise could have easily skipped across the
ocean and threatened us here.
That same description, however, does not apply
to the Great War of 1914-1918. That war, and
how it ended, created the conditions for what the
popular press referred to — as early as 1919 — as
“the Next War.”
Far from being “the war to end war,” the Great
War made the next one not optional, but “neces-
sary.”
So, in the aftermath of hurricane Beryl,
spawned and worsened by a warming ocean, my
mixed emotions were heightened this past week
by the attempted assassination of former presi-
dent Donald Trump and by the fatuous hype of
the Republican National Convention.
What I heard sounded very much like the fas-
cism against which the Lancaster crews fought.
Uncritical linkages between militarism and
nationalism; the over-layering of faux Christian
religiousity in the symbols and words used in con-
vention speeches; the blind hatred of “the Other”
(whoever that happens to be at the moment) — all
these are breeding grounds for fascism disguised
as a popular movement.
Politicians who claim to be “for the people”
rarely are, because their words (not their actions)
are offered as self-validating evidence. We should
judge them by what they do, or have done, not
by what they say in the moment to wind up the
crowd.
VeRA’s visit reminds us of the cost of accepting
the glib words of would-be leaders, especially
those who offer us simple bumper stickers as
shallow policy, in a world that is fraught with
complexity and imminent danger.
Otherwise, I fear we have not heeded the les-
sons of history, and so — with those children who
scampered around VeRA’s wheels — will again
pay a bitter price.
We must stop preparing for war — against
people or planet — before fighting it once again
becomes necessary.
Peter Denton is adjunct faculty at the Royal Military College, and
writes from his home in rural Manitoba.
U.S. political violence erodes democracy’s reputation
RARE bipartisan calls for national unity fol-
lowed the near killing of Donald Trump earlier
this month. “We have to treat one another with
dignity and respect,” said Republican House
Speaker Mike Johnson. “Violence has never been
the answer,” U.S. President Joe Biden echoed in
an Oval Office address.
But this messaging — while necessary — ig-
nores a deep-seated reality. “It is sadly incorrect
to say, as so many have, that political violence
‘has no place’ in American society,” conservative
intellectual David Frum wrote in response to the
groundswell of positive rhetoric. “Assassinations,
lynchings, riots and pogroms have stained every
page of American political history.”
Indeed, authoritarian regimes gleefully insist
this is proof that democracy is inherently flawed.
It breeds polarization and disorder, they claim,
based on the U.S. experience. Autocrats’ own
governance models are supposedly superior —
systems that conveniently grant them ultimate
power while denying their people civil liberties.
Despite zero facts indicating the Trump shoot-
er’s motivation, Chinese state media swiftly ex-
ploited the incident. “This violence indicates that
many people no longer believe that democratic
processes can address their concerns,” gloated
an editorial in the Global Times, a mouthpiece of
the ruling Chinese Communist Party. The highest
rated comment on coverage by the People’s Daily
tabloid: “America the free, every day a shooting.”
Russian President Vladimir Putin routinely ac-
cuses liberal democracy of being degenerate and
chaotic. According to him, the West’s so-called
“decadence” is destroying traditional religious
and family values. Tehran has said that Western
countries “lack the moral credibility” to criticize
Iran.
These countries and others are now aligning
in what some experts have labelled an “axis of
upheaval.” There is no shared ideology or vision
uniting this nascent alliance. Instead, Chinese
communists, Iranian theocrats, North Korean
dictators, Russian imperialists, African juntas
and Latin American socialists all simply want to
dismantle liberal internationalism.
It’s difficult to pinpoint precisely when Ameri-
ca — and by extension, the West — lost its ability
to effectively promote its values abroad. Foreign
adversaries have also stoked America’s fratri-
cidal rage by deploying mass disinformation
campaigns.
Yet, for people everywhere, the desire for dem-
ocratic values — basic freedoms, human rights,
functional institutions and the wish to choose
how they are governed — still exists. Meanwhile,
the war in Ukraine has underscored, in graphic
terms, the profound benefits of preserving a
rules-based international system. War is ruinous
and expensive.
Such principles are harder to promote when
America’s global image and leadership is being
undermined from within. In the words of Cana-
dian author Stephen Marche, the assassination
attempt on Trump is just the latest evidence of
how the U.S. is being “overwhelmed by its pathol-
ogies.” Be it hyper-partisanship and the collapse
of faith in national institutions or environmental
degradation and the rise of enormous inequality.
Corroborating evidence comes from a recent
poll that found one in five U.S. adults views po-
litical violence as valid if it can “get the country
back on track.”s In other words: restore the
primacy of their preferred social and political
tribe. After going underground in 2021, far-right
extremist militias are now reanimating ahead
of November’s election. And many aren’t even
bothering to hide their recruitment efforts, which
are openly occurring across dozens of Facebook
groups.
This should come as no surprise given events
over the past eight years. The attempted in-
surrection at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, is
the most glaring example. Aside from that, a
California man attempted to murder conserva-
tive Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh in
Maryland in June 2022. Two months later, an
intruder broke into the home of then Democratic
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and bludgeoned her
husband with a hammer.
A group of men in 2020 were barely foiled in
their plot to kidnap Michigan governor Gretchen
Whitmer. A gunman shot up an annual congres-
sional baseball game for charity in Virginia in
2017. Politically motivated mass shootings at a
Walmart in El Paso, Texas in 2019 and a grocery
store in Buffalo, New York in 2022 explicitly tar-
geted visible minorities. Today, local election offi-
cials and volunteers face constant death threats.
And this is nowhere near an exhaustive list.
Appearing on CNN the morning after Trump’s
brush with death, political scientist Ian Bremmer
cautioned, “No one in the world admires the U.S.
political system anymore, and that’s destabiliz-
ing.” For the past three decades American soft
power has underpinned an international system
that — while deeply imperfect — has been more
peaceful and prosperous than any other through-
out history.
But America cannot exercise leadership when
it is experiencing violent decay at home. Expect
democracy’s global reputation to suffer as a
result.
Kyle Hiebert is Winnipeg-based political risk analyst and former
deputy editor of the Africa Conflict Monitor.
A home for
spent fuel
WHAT if I told you nuclear waste was one of
the truly good news stories in the Canadian
environmental landscape? What if I said that
this good news story spotlights citizen partic-
ipation, respect for Indigenous sovereignty
and local economic development? In fact,
Canada has become a world leader in safely
and responsibly stewarding the process of
nuclear waste storage.
And by doing so, we can invest confidently
in nuclear power — a crucial tool in the fight
against climate change.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change (IPCC) has been clear that most
pathways to limit global warming to 1.5
degrees require major investments in nuclear
energy. While Manitoba doesn’t rely on
nuclear power, it generates more than half of
Ontario’s electricity, and is a key feature of
the province’s strategy to reduce greenhouse
gas emissions.
International experts agree that we cannot
meet climate change targets without signifi-
cantly increasing nuclear power generation.
The safe storage of spent nuclear fuel is an
important piece of that equation.
Last Wednesday, in the Township of Ignace
in Northwestern Ontario, we saw a shining
example of consent-based stewardship when
local citizens voted to express interest in
hosting a deep geological repository beneath
the town. The vote is a major milestone of
the $26-billion project, led by the Nuclear
Waste Management Organization (NWMO),
to safely store and dispose of Canada’s spent
nuclear fuel.
The NWMO doesn’t define for a communi-
ty what consent looks like. For Ignace, this
meant undertaking in-depth education, en-
gaging with residents through door-knocking,
reporting on the engagement process, and
taking a vote at their town council. It meant
informing themselves on the numerous safe-
guards in place to protect the environment
while storing nuclear fuel.
The successful vote is another giant step
towards results for all parties. The long-term
project will create an abundance of stable,
well-paid, quality jobs — defining features of
Ontario’s heavily unionized nuclear sector.
These local jobs will bring economic revital-
ization to the region.
It is important that efforts to decarbonize
Canada’s economy are done in partnership
with affected Indigenous communities.
For the project to go ahead in Northwestern
Ontario, the NWMO will also need to obtain
consent from the Wabigoon Lake Ojibway
Nation. The site is within their traditional
territory, and the NWMO has respected prin-
ciples of free, prior and informed consent as
outlined in the United Nations Declaration on
the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).
Like Ignace, the First Nation will establish
their own process to decide if they support
the project.
For over a decade, the NWMO has been
engaging in in-depth geological, engineering
and environmental studies to identify a re-
gion where nuclear fuel can be safely stored.
After years of scientific analysis, the NWMO
established Ignace and the surrounding area
as one of two safe and feasible locations.
As president of the Society of United
Professionals, I’m proud of our members
whose work safeguards Canadians. Engi-
neers, environmental scientists, nuclear
safety scientists, geologists and community
engagement professionals will ensure that
the project meets the high safety standards
of the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission
and the International Atomic Energy Agency.
The international scientific consensus is
that the deep geological repository planned
for the selected site is the gold standard for
nuclear fuel storage. It will use a multibarrier
system to isolate the fuel from the surround-
ing rock, which is seismically stable.
It is stored deep underground at approxi-
mately 500-700 feet. That’s roughly the height
of the CN Tower. At this depth, there is sep-
aration from the watershed, ensuring safety
that will meet the test of time.
And that $26-billion price tag, how will we
pay for that? It’s already paid for, and the
money is in the bank. A portion of the pro-
ceeds from every kilowatt of nuclear energy
sold is put into a trust fund. The nuclear ener-
gy industry does not externalize the costs of
dealing with its waste onto the public, and no
other form of energy can say the same.
Because Ignace engaged in a meaningful
consultation process with its residents and
educated itself on the management of nuclear
energy, the township has positioned itself for
success, while facilitating success for the
nuclear energy sector.
We can take pride in Canada’s model for
nuclear fuel storage.
Michelle Johnston is the president of the Society of United
Professionals.
KYLE HIEBERT
MICHELLE JOHNSTON
PETER DENTON
NIC ADAM / FREE PRESS
The Avro Lancaster at the Royal Aviation Museum of Western Canada in Winnipeg on July 16.
;