Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - August 10, 2024, Winnipeg, Manitoba
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COMMENT EDITOR: RUSSELL WANGERSKY 204-697-7269 ● RUSSELL.WANGERSKY@WINNIPEGFREEPRESS.COM
A9 SATURDAY AUGUST 10, 2024
Ideas, Issues, Insights
Minnesota — hardly a bastion of hard-left socialism
Y
OU don’t have to be a Manitoban to know
that our neighbours in Minnesota are not
being oppressed by radical socialist tyrants.
If you’re paying attention to U.S. politics, you
have no trouble knowing why I am beginning our
weekly visit with these words.
I wasn’t in Minnesota this week.
But I was in the U.S. celebrating a birthday. Ev-
ery year at this time, the Adler family celebrates
my birthday at my favourite restaurant on the
planet — Sinatra, in Las Vegas. Frank Sinatra was
one of the first superstars I interviewed, around
the time of my 20th birthday.
It should be no surprise to people who know me
that half a century later I would be enjoying a
birthday dinner at a restaurant where everything
about the food and beverages and music and art
are dedicated to Francis Albert Sinatra.
It’s impossible to spend time in Vegas without
watching some TV news in the hotel room. And
it’s impossible to do that without noticing the
clumsy demolition job Republicans are trying
to do on the governor of Minnesota, Tim Walz,
who has been chosen by Kamala Harris, the
Democrats’ nominee for U.S. president, to be her
running mate.
Guest after guest, especially on Fox News, pre-
tended that our Minnesotan neighbours are being
governed by a radical socialist — and some even
say communist — tyrant.
How can anyone from Manitoba spend time
with friends and neighbours in Minnesota and
believe their beautiful state is run by tyrants of
any stripe?
You may think the world of our Minnesotan
friends and still not know at they are among the
most educated Americans on the planet. Accord-
ing to an online education platform Guru 99 that
scores this data, Minnesota is No. 2 in the United
States for having an educated population: “Only
5.8 per cent of the entire population don’t have
a high school diploma, the average SAT score is
1225, one of the highest figures in America.”
Minnesota is also considered among the top five
happiest states in the U.S. and among the top five
for being business friendly.
You don’t need to spend much time in the
Twin Cities to notice how many head offices for
corporations are located there. The area is home
to 15 of America’s Fortune 500 companies. They
include Target, General Mills and 3M.
I could do several columns about the quality
of health care in Minnesota, home to some of the
world’s best medical teams, including the famous
Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minn. But the point of
this visit is not to tout the exceptional standard of
living enjoyed by those in the state. I simply want
to point out the absurdity of the Trump campaign.
It’s true they are befuddled by not having Joe
Biden to run against. But attempting to portray
Walz as a hard-left tyrant is taking the Trump
campaign to a political destination that is histori-
cally bizarre.
It should be noted that Tim Walz didn’t just
become the governor of Minnesota last night. He
was elected to the state’s top office in the election
of 2018 and then re-elected two years ago. Before
that, he had served in Washington, D.C. as con-
gressman from his district in southern Minnesota
for a decade. Presumably, if Tim Walz was a
radical socialist or communist, our well-educated
neighbours would have noticed something fishy a
long time ago.
I always want to bend over backwards to be fair,
even with those whose views may be diametrical-
ly opposed to mine. In doing a bit of homework on
why some conservatives working with Trump are
so down on Tim Walz, I discovered that he signed
legislation to ensure that children attending
Minnesota public schools are fed two meals a day.
And because of Gov. Walz’s administration, fam-
ilies earning US$80,000 or less are being given
free tuition at state colleges in Minnesota.
In 1957, I officially became a refugee from com-
munism. I want to assure you that my parents and
I did not escape the country of our birth because
Mum and Dad were troubled that the government
of communist Hungary was making sure that I
would never go hungry for food or education.
To our Minnesota neighbours: keep up the good
work.
Charles Adler is a longtime political commenter and podcaster.
charles@charlesadler.com
The protection of politicians in Canada
THE recent assassination attempt against former
U.S. president Donald Trump reminded us of the
history of political violence in that country. It
brought out a sense of moral superiority among
some Canadians. We see ourselves as the “ peace-
able kingdom.”
Unlike the U.S., our political culture is not the
product of revolutionary and civil wars. Four
presidents have been assassinated, but not one
prime minister. Restrictions on firearms are con-
tentious, but more accepted in Canada. In general,
our political culture is less individualistic, with
less widespread, less intense anti-government
sentiment.
These historical differences have been shrink-
ing over time as cultural developments spill over
the border into Canada. Polarization, anger and
violence seem to be contagious.
Being a politician in Canada has become a
less respected and increasingly a dangerous
occupation. Polls indicate that over 60 per cent
of Canadians do not trust politicians, with the
highest levels of mistrust targeted at federal
party representatives compared to provincial and
municipal politicians.
The abuse of politicians is rising and takes
many forms, both online and offline. There are
verbal attacks on the motivations, character,
appearance and ideas of politicians. Women are
disproportionately targeted, including in the form
of sexist language and bullying.
Legitimate protests staged at constituency of-
fices and the private residences of politicians can
descend into threatening behaviour and property
damage. With increasing regularity, individuals
utter threats, especially online, of physical vio-
lence, even death, to elected representatives and
their families. The cost of protecting politicians is
rising dramatically.
Earlier this year, the sergeant-at-arms of the
House of Commons, Patrick McDonell, who is re-
sponsible for security, told a parliamentary com-
mittee that his office opened 530 files on threats
to MPs in 2023. There were just eight such files
in 2019. A report from the public service warned
such threats were being “normalized” and the
commissioner of the RCMP suggested that the
force might need new tools to deal with problems.
In 2020, a Manitoba man drove his truck though
the gates of the prime minister’s residence hoping
to confront Justin Trudeau. In the 2021 election
campaign, Trudeau was pelted with gravel.
Chrystia Freeland, the finance minister, was ver-
bally accosted in a public setting. Conservative
Leader Pierre Poilievre told the media that his
wife and family have received death threats. NDP
Leader Jagmeet Singh has been the victim of
racist slurs and was harassed while campaigning.
After the Trump shooting, Canadian Public
Safety Minister Dominic LeBlanc reported that
the RCMP would be extra vigilant in protecting
the prime minister and other party leaders. It
may be possible to strengthen security for the
dozens of party leaders at the national and pro-
vincial levels of government, but it is impossible
to provide continuous police protection for the
remaining 300-plus MPs, 105 senators, and the
hundreds of elected provincial representatives
across the country, including the 57 MLAs in
Manitoba.
I am particularly interested in what is hap-
pening in terms of the growing need for greater
security for constituency offices. Such offices are
meant to be visible, open and accessible to mem-
bers of the local community.
It is here that an important part of the repre-
sentation process happens. There are regular
office hours when elected politicians and their
staff listen to the opinions and concerns of their
constituents. Problems that constituents are hav-
ing with government, especially with the bureau-
cracy, are addressed and often resolved.
There is also a symbolic aspect to such encoun-
ters. Constituency service allows community
members to put a human face on government. It
demonstrates that governments can be respon-
sive.
Individuals who deal with their local represen-
tatives typically have greater trust and confi-
dence in politicians than people who have not
availed themselves of constituency services.
If the current threat environment worsens,
more tradeoffs between the safety of politicians
and their clients and the openness and accessi-
bility of the constituency service process will
become necessary.
Here are several examples of the dilemmas
involved. In January 2022, police were called to
the constituency office of a Manitoba NDP MLA
to deal with a threatening individual. In January
2024, a constituency worker in Nova Scotia was
attacked, leading to unsuccessful calls for fund-
ing of a second staff person to increase safety. In
the same year, Pierre Poilievre’s call for carbon
tax protests at Liberal and NDP constituency of-
fices led to warnings for staff to lock office doors
and have their mobile distress buttons available.
Enhancing security for politicians and their
employees involves a risk assessment of individ-
ual cases. Possible security measures for constit-
uency offices include: the creation of a protective
buffer zone, CCTV cameras, training on security
matters for staff, the provision of panic buttons,
coating on windows to prevent shattering, an elec-
tronic entry system, waiting areas without loose
items, and the availability of a secure inner office.
It is unfortunate that such precautions are
needed. Disrespect, threats and violence add to
the numerous factors which discourage good peo-
ple from entering politics. Heightened security
measures limit the use of constituency offices as
community resources. Politicians, their advisers,
the media and the public need to stand against the
growing toxic political culture.
Paul G. Thomas is professor emeritus of Political Studies at the
University of Manitoba.
Democratic
by nature
IF all that mattered is economic growth,
then Sheikh Hasina would still be in
power. She has ruled Bangladesh for 15
years, during which the country’s per
capita income more than tripled. Yet she
has been overthrown by the very same
students who stood to benefit most from
her remarkable economic achievements.
Hasina fed their anger by reserving a
large proportion of the government jobs
(30 per cent) for young people from fam-
ilies whose older members had fought in
the Independence War (from Pakistan) of
50 years ago.
Yet 400 people, almost all of them stu-
dents, laid down their lives in the protests
against her increasingly arbitrary rule,
and it’s not really worth dying for a slight-
ly better chance at a cushy but not very
well-paying job. They also talked about
democracy, by which they really meant
equality, or at least equality of opportuni-
ty.
That’s also what motivated the two-
thirds of Venezuelans who cast their votes
against tyranny last week. They may
yet succeed in forcing the ruler, Nicolás
Maduro, to give up and go into exile too,
because fairness is a basic human value.
Only a third of the world’s people live in
countries that can be called democratic,
but practically every autocratic regime in
the world also claims to be democratic. In
principle (although not yet in practice) it is
the default human political system.
We are talking about the nature of
“human nature” here, and the key point is
that it has a history. It changes over time
in response to changing circumstances,
but there is a detectable theme running
through it for at least many tens of thou-
sands of years.
Human beings belong to the primate
family, most of whose members live in
smallish groups (rarely more than a hun-
dred). They have strongly graded hierar-
chies like those in our nearest relatives,
the chimpanzees. There is a boss who
rules by force and by fear but also by mak-
ing alliances, and there is constant turmoil
as other would-be bosses rise and fall.
By and large, that is the primate condi-
tion. It was presumably once the human
condition too — but all the ancestral
human groups we know about lived in
absolute equality.
We know this because the last genuine
hunter-gatherer bands survived long
enough to be studied by the first anthro-
pologists. They were all dedicated to
equality, even to the extent that they auto-
matically co-operated to bring down any
individual who tried to set himself above
the others.
How did that come to pass?
Early human beings were still living in
quite small groups, but they were already
intelligent enough to realize that the mon-
key-king model served nobody’s interests
except the king’s. They also had language,
so they could conspire together.
The revolution may have happened once
and spread, or it may have happened a
thousand times in different bands, but the
human default mode became egalitarian.
It must have remained that way for at least
thousands of generations, because equal-
ity and fairness have become universal
human aspirations.
Unfortunately, when we went into the
first mass societies 5,000 years ago, we
had to revert for a long time to our other,
older heritage of brutal hierarchy. Early
mass societies could not be egalitarian:
there was no way for large numbers of
people to meet and talk and decide togeth-
er.
That situation prevailed until we devel-
oped mass communications a few centu-
ries ago. That technology made it possible
for us to decide things together again as
equals, and as soon as we got it (just print-
ing, at first), our long submerged but never
forgotten “democratic” values re-emerged
as well.
That’s what the American and French
revolutions were about. That’s what the
Bangladeshi and hopefully the Venezuelan
revolutions are about now. These are not
random events. They are part of a long but
promising process of reclaiming our real
values.
Gwynne Dyer’s new book is Intervention Earth: Life-Saving
Ideas from the World’s Climate Engineers.
CHARLES ADLER
PAUL G. THOMAS
GWYNNE DYER
CHARLES REX ARBOGAST / THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Democratic vice-presidential nominee Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz welcomes Democratic presidential nominee, Vice-President Kamala Harris, at a campaign event Aug. 7 in Eau
Claire, Wisc.
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