Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - February 19, 2025, Winnipeg, Manitoba
THINK
TANK
COMMENT EDITOR: RUSSELL WANGERSKY 204-697-7269 ● RUSSELL.WANGERSKY@WINNIPEGFREEPRESS.COM
A7 WEDNESDAY FEBRUARY 19, 2025
Ideas, Issues, Insights
Don’t confuse advance health directives with MAID
I
READ Ruth Enns’ Feb. 3 Think Tank piece in
the Free Press (Medical assistance in dying
and advance directives) with great interest,
because these are topics that interest me.
However, while it’s good to see these issues
become part of a broader conversation, some
clarification is required.
Ms. Enns is clearly passionate about her subject
matter, but I believe she is confounding advance
health directives with advance requests for med-
ical assistance in dying, and these are two very
different tools.
Advance directives (ADs) — also known as
health-care directives — express the decisions
you’ve made about the kind of health care you
want in the future should you become incapaci-
tated. In Canada, you can set out detailed wishes
for yourself and name a trusted person as your
substitute decision-maker in the event that you
cannot communicate.
For example, an AD might stipulate that if you
were gravely injured in an accident and were
comatose with catastrophic and irreversible brain
damage, you would not wish to continue being fed
through a tube.
The government webpage on Manitoba health
directives explains that while such ADs are bind-
ing and will be honoured by the courts, “health
-care professionals treating you are not obliged to
search for or ask about a signed directive.”
So, “It is important to be sure that family,
friends, your doctor and your proxy know you
have a directive and know where it can be found.”
ADs are not the same as advanced requests for
medical assistance in dying (MAID). The former
is about a person’s wishes for care that could
prolong life or allow it to ebb; the latter is a direc-
tive about ending their life at a certain definitive
point.
While a substitute decision-maker is responsible
for conveying a person’s wishes in terms of AD,
they cannot request MAID on another person’s
behalf.
As Dalhousie University’s Health Law Institute
makes clear, “It is not possible to request MAID
through a provincial or territorial advance direc-
tive.”
Advanced directives and MAID are different
things, but both involve personal choices and both
also require conversations that some people find
uncomfortable. As a rule, we don’t like to think of
ourselves as being no longer in control or helpless
to tell people what we want.
Currently, Quebec is the only place in Canada
where advance requests for MAID are available.
People in that province have been able to make
the requests under certain prescribed circum-
stances as of Oct. 30, 2024. If a person is diag-
nosed with a serious and incurable illness that
will eventually leave them incapacitated, they can
apply — while they are still able to consent — to
receive MAID when they reach a point in their de-
terioration that they find personally unacceptable.
For example: if I lived in Quebec, was diag-
nosed with Alzheimer’s disease and was still men-
tally competent (a period that can last for years),
I might decide that when I was no longer able to
recognize my children, spouse or siblings — or
even myself — that I wished to receive MAID.
It’s not exactly a mechanism that allows us to
“order up a beautifully scripted death like a latte-
to-go,” as Ms. Enns writes of advance directives
in her piece; indeed, anyone who has watched a
loved one’s steady decline through dementia can
tell you there is nothing beautiful or scripted
about the multitude of small deaths a person ex-
periences as the disease robs them of themselves.
While advanced requests for MAID are still in
contradiction of the Criminal Code of Canada, the
federal government has said it won’t challenge
what is happening in Quebec for now.
On Feb. 14, the Canadian government wrapped
up the online survey portion of a countrywide
consultation on advanced requests for MAID. The
results of its findings are expected this spring.
You can find Health Canada’s comprehensive
2023 report on MAID here: bit.ly/4hsoPQA.
It offers insights on exactly how MAID is ad-
ministered and regulated in this country.
It also outlines the rigorous conditions that
have to be met before MAID is approved and the
considerations taken into account by medical pro-
viders. No one is being “‘helped’ into the nearest
hearse,” as Ms. Enns suggests, without due care
and consideration for their unique circumstances,
their wishes and the law.
And people can, and do, change their minds
after requesting MAID. In 2023, for example, 496
people did so.
Finally, to suggest that no one “has time,
resources and patience for such conversations
these days,” as Ms. Enns did, does a disservice to
the people making difficult choices about their
health and their lives only after a great deal of
contemplation, as well as to the thoughtful, ethical
and compassionate medical professionals who are
willing to help them achieve a measure of autono-
my over their own lives — and deaths.
Pam Frampton is a freelance writer and editor who lives in St. John’s.
pamelajframpton@gmail.com
X: pam_frampton | Bluesky: @pamframpton.bsky.social
Recruitment and retention: a health-care challenge
MANITOBA’S government was elected in Oc-
tober 2023 with a strong mandate to “fix health
care.” Central to this commitment is resetting the
relationship with Manitoba’s health-care workers.
For nearly every sector in health care, new
collective agreements have been signed over the
last nine months that take a step towards reset-
ting this relationship, setting the foundation for
staffing up the public system.
Allied health workers — specialized health
professionals from paramedics to diagnostic tech-
nologists to occupational therapists and beyond
— remain the last sector working without a new
contract.
A 96 per cent strike mandate from Manitoba
Association of Health Care Professionals mem-
bers, the union for around 7,000 of the nearly
8,000 allied health professionals working across
Manitoba, released on Jan. 29 reveals that, among
this section of health care, patience is wearing
extremely thin.
In the face of growing health-care expendi-
tures, settling a new contract with allied health
workers that can prevent staff from leaving and
attract others to work in the public system must
remain a critical priority.
The work performed by allied health profes-
sionals is key to bringing down wait times and
achieving health-care improvements put forward
in the last election. Allied health workers are
highly specialized professionals who, in most cas-
es, require years of training — losing more staff
now will leave Manitobans with high wait times
for years to come.
Deep frustration among allied health workers is
due to high staff vacancies, increasing workloads,
and declining morale.
MAHCP surveys from May and December
2024 reported that a large majority of staff are
experiencing workload increases and declining
morale. Nearly half reported losing colleagues in
the last year.
Under the previous government, allied health
workers went five years without a contract,
leaving most without a wage increase through the
pandemic. This story should be a familiar one by
now — wage stagnation mixed with high vacancy
rates have proven to be a toxic cocktail in health
care, leading to burnout, early retirements, and
many exiting health care altogether. New con-
tracts signed by nurses, doctors and other health
workers have reflected this context and offered
wages geared to recruitment and retention. The
same needs to be applied in allied health.
Reports of high vacancy rates across allied
health professions remain a persistent issue, de-
spite the Manitoba government’s recent staffing
updates.
In January, rural paramedic vacancy rates
raised alarms due to rural EMS stations in Virden
and Russell running at 50 per cent vacancy. The
EMS station in Shoal Lake was operating with
only one of 13 positions filled. Across all rural
regions, 28 per cent of paramedic positions are
reportedly vacant. A recent access to information
request revealed that rural ambulances were out
of service due to staff shortages a record 30,000
hours per month on average in 2024.
Other data disclosed a 23 per cent vacancy rate
across technical/professional staff in Southern
Health, represented by the Manitoba Government
and General Employees’ Union. At the same time,
more than 4,000 people were waiting for services
provided by technical and professional staff in
Southern Health.
Staff vacancies have been highlighted as a key
component of high wait times for diagnostic pro-
cedures such as CT scans and MRIs. Data from
the Canadian Institute for Health Information
shows that in 2023 (the most recent interprovin-
cial data) Manitoba’s median wait times for MRIs
were highest among provinces, while CT scan
waits were second highest. Manitoba’s median
wait times for MRIs reached 27 weeks in Septem-
ber 2024, a four-year peak.
Long wait times for diagnostic procedures cre-
ate bottlenecks in health care, making them a key
to lowering wait times across the system.
There is no question that recruitment and reten-
tion cost money. Manitoba’s per capita health-care
expenditures are beginning to climb again after
years of austerity, but remain below the Canadian
average. There remains a long way to go to return
to pre-2016 trends in health spending.
In 2015, Manitoba’s per capita health expen-
diture was third-highest among provinces — in
2024, Manitoba is forecast to be second-lowest.
Further, prior to 2016 Manitoba’s per capita
health spending was consistently above the
Canadian average — in 2024 Manitoba’s spending
is starting to trend towards the Canadian bench-
mark but remains far below.
The audits of health authorities released on
Feb. 5 reveal that health authority expenditure is
increasing in large part due to salaries and supply
costs. These salary expenditures are necessary to
staff up the public system and reduce spending on
private agencies.
Rebuilding the health-care workforce and
relieving pressure on existing staff needs to re-
main at the core of fixing Manitoba’s health-care
system. This will require significant additional
spending, but the alternative is a continued loss of
staff and services.
Niall Harney is a senior researcher with the Canadian Centre for Policy
Alternatives — Manitoba.
Different
kinds
of thieves
WHAT’S the difference between smash-and-
grab raids and protection rackets? Not all
that much from the legal point of view, but
protection rackets have a lower level of risk
and a higher rate of return.
Take Rwanda, for example. President Paul
Kagame is running no personal risks, but
the Tutsi soldiers of the M23 rebel army,
which essentially works for him, are fighting
an actual war in the neighbouring Demo-
cratic Republic of Congo.
The current task of the M23 army is to
seize control of the part of eastern DRC
that borders Rwanda and steal the rich
mineral reserves of that region: gold, cobalt,
and above all coltan, which is essential for
smartphones and almost all other sophisti-
cated electronic devices.
This region contains up to 60 per cent of
the global reserves of coltan ore, and it’s
easy to steal and market. It’s dug out by tens
of thousands of small-scale operators work-
ing landscapes honeycombed with shallow
digs, and once it reaches Rwanda, they mix
it with locally mined coltan and market it as
a Rwandan product.
Stolen coltan currently accounts for a
secret but significant share of Rwandan
government income, but it’s a typical smash-
and-grab operation: lots of violence and
a short-term perspective. At the moment
they’re doing well: M23 seized all of North
Kivu last month, and has already conquered
most of South Kivu this month.
Paul Kagama always sends some Rwandan
soldiers along to back up the local thugs
(4,000 Rwandan troops this time), but this is
the third time in 30 years that Rwanda has
sent its army into the eastern DRC to grab
resources. Lots of people die, but it never
lasts.
Whereas a protection racket is a long-
term relationship: “Nice little shop/country
you’ve got here. You wouldn’t want to see
it smashed/destroyed now, would you? Just
have the cash ready every Friday and noth-
ing bad will happen to you.”
Or in Ukraine’s case, just have half your
mineral output loaded up for shipment every
Friday and you won’t be hurt.
“I want the equivalent of like (US)$500
billion worth of rare earths, and they’ve
essentially agreed to do that,” U.S. President
Donald Trump says he told the Ukrainian
government last week.
The truth is that Ukrainian President
Volodymyr Zelenskyy knew the mob boss
would be coming round for his cut, so he
offered to pay even before Trump asked.
It caught Trump on the hop, so the first
number out of his mouth in reply was
US$500 billion. That’s almost five times the
value of U.S. military and civilian aid to
Ukraine since the Russian invasion three
years ago (US$116 billion), but it’s far less
than Trump could really screw out of a
country with its back to the wall.
In a couple of days, therefore, Trump
upped the demand hugely — but he followed
Zelenskyy’s suggestion that it should come
out of Ukraine’s future mineral wealth,
since Kyiv currently has no spare money at
all.
Trump said he now wanted 50 per cent of
Ukraine’s future income from exploiting its
reserves of rare metals and critical materi-
als: titanium, uranium, lithium, beryllium,
manganese, gallium, zirconium, graphite,
apatite, fluorite and nickel. Half Ukraine’s
mineral income forever could be worth as
much as US$5 trillion.
Zelenskyy didn’t fall for that, so now they
are in a negotiation. It’s not just about the
price Ukraine pays for survival, but also
about what assurances Trump can give that
paying off America will really guarantee
Ukraine’s survival.
The underlying difficulty is that the White
House mob has farmed the enforcement
work out to the Kremlin mob. The Russians
may hate Ukraine enough to insist on de-
stroying it even if Trump makes a deal with
Zelenskyy — which is far from agreed.
That’s the downside of protection rackets.
It’s a crowded field, and there are always
other rival mobs trying to spoil your play or
cut you out completely. Don Corleone had to
deal with problems like this in his (fictional)
past, and Don Kagame has been handling
them successfully most of his life.
Don Trump is new to this game, and we
shall see.
Gwynne Dyer’s new book is Intervention Earth: Life-Saving
Ideas from the World’s Climate Engineers.
GWYNNE DYER
NIALL HARNEY
PAM FRAMPTON
RUSSELL WANGERSKY / FREE PRESS
Advance health directives and advance requests for MAID both involve personal choices, but that’s where the similarities end.
;