Winnipeg Free Press

Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - May 1, 2025, Winnipeg, Manitoba Under the authority of The City of Winnipeg Charter, the Community Committee listed below will conduct PUBLIC HEARINGS for the purpose of allowing interested persons to make submissions, ask questions or register objections in respect of the application(s) listed below. Information or documents concerning the applications and a description of the procedure to be followed at the public hearings are available for inspection by calling 204-986-2636 to make an appointment at Unit 15-30 Fort Street, or by visiting the City Clerk’s Department, Susan A. Thompson Building, 510 Main Street between 8:30 a.m. and 4:30 p.m., Monday-Friday, excluding holidays; or on-line at http://www.winnipeg.ca THURSDAY, MAY 1, 2025 A4 ● WINNIPEGFREEPRESS.COM NEWS I TOP NEWS Can the Tories’ angry attack dog learn to stop barking? I T is a tragic irony obscured by stunned disbelief. Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre lost the 45th general elec- tion, and he lost his seat. And yet, in his concession speech early Tuesday morning, Poilievre clung to a glass- half-full analysis of the results and indicated a desire to stay on as leader. Two days after the election, Poil- ievre has not confirmed he will stay on. But neither has he indicated he will step down. Save for the militant partisans who continue to support him, it is not hard to spot the irony here. Six months ago, it was Justin Trudeau who refused to leave his post as Liberal leader, clinging to a desperate belief he could defy all the naysayers and win another election. Poilievre was a direct witness to the former prime minister’s inexplicable lack of self-awareness, but he was no innocent bystander. His relentless attacks helped transform Trudeau into a sponge that soaked up all the anger and fear Canadians had about the pandemic, in- flation, the cost of housing, crime and the opioid crisis. Eventually, Trudeau was the only person in his government who could not see that, having become sopping wet with blame, he had no political value. Trudeau’s hesitance back then was due, in part, to the feeling he was being unjustly blamed for all of society’s woes. And to be fair, he was never the political villain that Poilievre made him out to be. However, being unfairly blamed is not a strong argument for any leader to stay on; not for Trudeau then, and not for Poilievre now. Poilievre failed twice over, losing the election and his seat. He took what most observers believed was an insur- mountable surplus of national support and turned it into a deficit. Mitigating his losses is the fact that the Conservative party does have reason to celebrate some of its accom- plishments in this election. The Tories gained more seats (24) than any other party, and got more votes (8.1 million) than ever before in their history. Important seats were seized in important regions of the country outside of the party’s epicen- tre in Western Canada. Poilievre could also claim the result was triggered, not by his own perfor- mance, but by circumstances outside his control. In particular, by U.S. Presi- dent Donald Trump’s unanticipated decision to threaten Canada’s existence as a sovereign nation and cripple our economy with tariffs. This is the theory Poilievre allies are amplifying: he should stay because, even though he was blindsided by Trump, he won more seats. Venerable Tory strategist Allan Gregg, a Poil- ievre ally, wrote in the Toronto Star that the gains the Conservative leader made should not be dismissed. However, Gregg acknowledged that Poilievre’s fate was sealed when he did not soften his message and portray himself more as a “builder and not just a disruptor” of federal politics. Thus, the challenge, Gregg suggested, was for Poilievre to change. “Is he, by temperament and person- ality, capable of this transformation?” Gregg wrote. “I don’t know. But if he is, the Conservatives would be well advised to stick with him.” Tories who subscribe to this theory would be well advised to ask them- selves two questions. First, why did Poilievre suffer more from Trump’s threats than Carney? And second, why did voters abandon the NDP? On the first question, Poilievre suffered more because he embraced Trumpian language and tactics to attack Trudeau’s political brand. He leaned into the lexicon of Trump’s greatest hits, calling Liberals “wackos” and promising to combat “wokeism.” The company he kept — from convoy truckers to white suprem- acists and far-right culture warriors — only cemented the impression that he admired Trump’s approach. However, once Canadians united against Trump’s threats, Poilievre seemed like an inappropriate option to lead the country. The answer to the second question is closely related to the first: it appears a pronounced fear that Poilievre skewed too Trumpian convinced a good number of the nearly two million voters who abandoned the NDP in this election to vote strategically for the Liberals. Notwithstanding the answers to these questions, is it still possible that Poilievre could, over the next four years, create a completely new politi- cal persona? Those who have studied Poilievre most closely would say no. In a biography released during the federal campaign, journalist and lawyer Mark Bourrie argued Poilievre would have to betray the very essence of who he has always been in order to become the leader Gregg envisions. Bourrie told the Globe and Mail that Poilievre is “an angry teenager in the body of a grown man. That makes him a stellar opposition politician. It’s a bad combination in a prime minister.” Failed political leaders will always have a cadre of supporters urging them to stay on. And it should be noted that in some instances, particularly in elections they were never supposed to win, a leader can make a strong case to stay the course. But leaders who snatch defeat from the jaws of victory do not have the luxury of viewing their performance through a glass-half-full lens. For those leaders, it’s simply time to move on. dan.lett@freepress.mb.ca DAN LETT OPINION JESSE BOILY / FREE PRESS FILES Jesse Lavoie launched a legal challenge against the provincial government in 2020 to fight the ban on growing cannabis plants at home. ‘Progress, not perfection’: Manitoba’s homegrown pot ban ends today M ANITOBA is ending an outright ban on homegrown cannabis, but recreational users remain committed to fighting for the right to grow pot in their backyards. As of today, anyone aged 19 and older can grow a maximum of four plants in an indoor room, container or enclosure that is not ac- cessible to underage residents or visitors. The changes bring the province more in line with the rest of Canada — except for Quebec, where it remains illegal to cultivate cannabis for personal use. Licensed producer TobaGrown has import- ed “exotic seeds” from Spain and elsewhere in Canada that will be up for sale immediately, said Jesse Lavoie, founder of the non-profit or- ganization. It’s a bittersweet milestone for Lavoie, who launched a legal challenge against the provin- cial government in 2020. He argued federal legislation allowed prov- inces only to restrict the growing of non-med- ical cannabis at home instead of issuing a sweeping ban. The case — which was dismissed, with Lavoie in the process of appealing until he learned changes were in the works in 2024 — was fund- ed via TobaGrown sales and donations. “Our lawsuit was fighting for both indoor and outdoor,” he said, noting he plans to revive it if the Kinew government does not widen the rules. “Keeping it indoors and how they have it written, requiring plants to be locked in a room, essentially in your basement, keeps the taboo in place.” Justice Minister Matt Wiebe defended the legislation as “balanced,” citing concerns about community access to outdoor gardens. “This is the right mix of giving that choice to Manitobans, but also protecting kids,” Wiebe said. The rules also allow businesses to tap into new markets and sell both seeds and growing equipment, he noted. Seeds and plants, often called clones, must be bought from a licensed Manitoba store, per the newly updated Liquor, Gaming and Canna- bis Control Act. Melanie Bekevich, vice-president of the Re- tail Cannabis Council of Manitoba, said she does not anticipate a significant impact on member sales, owing to the limited markup on seeds and complexities of growing pot. The co-owner of Winnipeg’s Mistik Canna- bis Co. said she plans to stock seeds, mainly for educational purposes so customers are up to date with the regulations. “It’s progress, not perfection at this time,” Bekevich said about the inability for cannabis users to take their plants outside unless they have a medical licence. Bekevich and Lavoie both said the cannabis industry is generally on board with the chan- ges that do away with a $2,542 fine for grow- ing non-medical cannabis inside a residence. “You can make wine and beer at home, but there’s still lineups outside liquor stores,” Lavoie added. In the lead-up to the regulatory changes, the official Opposition accused the NDP of divert- ing limited police resources from more press- ing issues by bringing in new homegrown rules. “With violent crime on the rise, how can the premier justify focusing on cannabis policy?” Wayne Ewasko, then-interim leader of the Pro- gressive Conservatives, asked Premier Wab Kinew during question period last week. Ewasko then suggested Kinew must be smoking pot daily. “I don’t smoke weed at all. Guess what? I don’t drink either. I don’t even use Tylenol — but that’s not the point,” Kinew quipped. “The point is that the member opposite’s 1950s Reefer Madness mentality, it just doesn’t work.” (Director Louis Gasnier’s propaganda film achieved cult classic status owing to its over- the-top depiction of cannabis users as danger- ous criminals.) Ewasko later told the Free Press the plan is unenforceable and rests upon “neighbours rat- ting on neighbours.” The justice minister said the province does not anticipate the updates will generate sig- nificant new activity for police, but rather pro- vide clarity about what is legal. “People are in this quasi-legal realm again. It’s just absurd, to be six years after legaliza- tion, and we’re still dealing with grey area,” said Steven Stairs, a longtime cannabis advo- cate. “If you’re going to be progressive, why go 95 per cent of the way?” maggie.macintosh@freepress.mb.ca MAGGIE MACINTOSH Fire bans announced for Interlake, southeast regions Dry, hot conditions have triggered burn bans in the Interlake and southeast regions of the province. The Manitoba Wildfire Service will imple- ment Level 1 fire and travel restrictions in the areas at 8 a.m. on Friday, the province said in a news release. The restrictions include Whiteshell Provin- cial Park and Spruce Woods Provincial Park. The province said extreme winds, high- er-than-normal temperatures and low hu- midity levels in the areas make the fire bans necessary. The boundary of the restricted area is from Provincial Road 302 to Provincial Trunk Highway 12 to PR 317 to PTH 59 and PR 319 east to the Ontario border, and from the U.S. border north to Lake Winnipeg and the Win- nipeg River, including the Mars Hill Wildlife Management Area. All fires between 8 a.m. and 8 p.m. are pro- hibited and fires outside of these hours must be in an approved campfire pit. All motorized backcountry travel, includ- ing ATVs and other off-road vehicles, is also banned during those hours. Motorized backcountry travel to access a remote cottage via forestry road, private road or trail will re- quire a travel permit issued by the province. Burn permits in the eastern and Interlake regions are cancelled and will not be issued until conditions improve. Permits for essential agricultural, munic- ipal or industrial operations could be con- sidered with the approval of an officer and inspection. The ban will remain in effect until “suffi- cient” foliage appears, the release said. To date, 32 wildfires have burned across the province in 2025 and five are actively burning, according to the province’s fire situation report. ;