Winnipeg Free Press (Newspaper) - September 11, 2025, Winnipeg, Manitoba
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COMMENT EDITOR: RUSSELL WANGERSKY 204-697-7269 ● RUSSELL.WANGERSKY@WINNIPEGFREEPRESS.COM
A7 THURSDAY SEPTEMBER 11, 2025
Ideas, Issues, Insights
Why Winnipeg needs low-fare transit
P
ICTURE a single mother choosing between
groceries and bus fare, or a youth not being
able to access recreational activities because
transit is too expensive. In a city where costs
continue to rise, access to public transit shouldn’t
be a luxury, but a daily necessity for survival.
Winnipeg must adopt low-cost fares for adults
and fare-free transit for youth — to boost equity,
ridership and resilience in the face of economic
and climate-related challenges.
Winnipeg Transit adult fares jumped from
$2.35 in 2010 to $3.35 in 2025, with 35 per cent of
that hike since 2020. Youth and senior cash fares
are currently $2.85. Annual increases will push
adult fares to $3.55 by 2027, surpassing Toronto
fares. Those hit hardest — inner-city residents,
youth, BIPOC and women — rely on transit most
and face the steepest financial barriers. This fare
policy isn’t just unsustainable — it’s unjust.
Years of government underinvestment — es-
pecially the cancellation of the 50/50 funding
deal by the former Progressive Conservative
government in 2016 — sent Winnipeg Transit into
decline. By spring 2020, ridership had plummeted
70 per cent, according to the 2022 Winnipeg Alter-
native Budget. The system is struggling, and it’s
time to take a step back.
Winnipeg has the highest Indigenous popula-
tion among Canadian cities — one in five in the
inner city. Rising fares slash purchasing power,
limit access to work and make essentials like
food, shelter and health care even more compli-
cated to reach. For communities already facing
systemic inequality and economic colonialism,
fare increases aren’t just inconvenient — they’re
devastating.
The WINNpass program offers 50 per cent off
bus fares, but upfront costs, Peggo card issues
and red tape creates challenges for many low-in-
come residents.
Fare disputes are driving up confrontations
between passengers and drivers, with most secu-
rity incidents tied to fare evasion. Rising tensions
mean greater safety risks. Lowering adult fares
and offering free transit to kids and seniors can
ease conflict, restore trust, and make Winnipeg
Transit safer for all.
With 82 per cent of commuters driving and just
11.4 per cent using public transit, car depen-
dency is choking our city — and our planet. In
2022, Winnipeg pumped out 4.76 million tonnes
of carbon, nearly half from transportation alone.
If we’re serious about hitting net-zero by 2050,
we need bold moves. Slashing adult bus fares and
making transit free for youth isn’t just smart
policy — it’s the spark that could boost ridership,
curb emissions and unlock better service for
everyone.
Kansas City’s zero-fare program (2020–2025)
increased ridership by 31 per cent and cut car-
bon emissions by 7,000 tons annually. But when
COVID funding dried up, so did the program —
proof that lasting change needs lasting invest-
ment. As cities grapple with climate goals and
equity gaps, leaders like NYC mayoral candidate
Zohran Mamdani are pushing for fare-free
transit. The question isn’t whether it works — it’s
whether we’re willing to fund it.
Winnipeg should lead, not lag. Calgary offers
free C-Train rides in select zones. Victoria gives
youth aged 13-18 free passes, and kids under 12
ride free across British Columbia. Winnipeg?
Children under 11 ride free with an accompa-
nying parent. It’s a start, but we can aim higher.
Let’s make transit truly accessible — for every-
one.
Critics say low-cost transit is too expensive —
but the real cost is chronic underfunding. When
the province walked away from the 50/50 transit
funding deal with Winnipeg, it left the city short-
changed. Reinstating that partnership, alongside
innovative revenue tools — yes even just modest
increases to property taxes or a small provincial
transit sales tax, similar to Minnesota — can fund
zero-to-low fare transit and improve service. It’s
not just possible, it’s necessary.
Affordable transit isn’t just about getting from
A to B — it’s about building community. It con-
nects people to events, volunteering and each oth-
er. Winnipeg city council must rethink fare policy
and cut the red tape. Start bold: cap adult fares
at $1.50 to $2 on evenings and weekends, make
it free for anyone under 18, and fund it through
provincial support and new revenue streams. Run
a six-month pilot, then make it permanent during
all hours of service.
Public pressure works. Contact your councillor,
back ATU 1505 and its operators, and team up
with community and environmental groups fight-
ing for better transit. Let’s build a system that
works for everyone.
As Dan Hendry from Get on The Bus said on
a February 2024 edition of Not Necessarily the
Automobile, public transit is a public asset — for
everyone. In a time of rising costs, financial
access to Winnipeg Transit is essential. Zero or
low fares aren’t just moral — they’re innovative,
practical and urgently needed. As Winnipeg
nears one million people and faces economic and
climate pressures, low-to-zero transit fares aren’t
just practical — increased public transit invest-
ments, while lowering bus fares, can connect us
all as a city.
Adam Johnston is the host of Not Necessarily The Automobile on
101.5 UMFM every Thursday at 11:30 a.m. to 12 p.m., focused on
public and active transportation. He can be reached at notnecessar-
ilytheautomobile@gmail.com.
Beyond virtue: A blueprint for Canadian renewal
“WESTERN democracies are losing not just
wars, but the ability to define victory,” warn U.S.
economist Paul Krugman and military historian
Phillips O’Brien during a discussion posted Aug.
23 to O’Brien’s Substack.
Their insight should jolt Canadian policymakers
awake: modern conflict is a contest of systems,
not just soldiers. And Canada, drifting strategi-
cally, risks irrelevance — or worse, complicity in
its own decline.
We speak the language of virtue — human
rights, climate justice, multilateral diplomacy
— but too often, it’s just that: language. Behind
the rhetoric lies a troubling reality. Our defence
spending lags. Arctic sovereignty is vulnerable.
Digital infrastructure is tethered to foreign
systems, leaving national security exposed to
decisions made in Washington — or worse, by
private billionaires.
O’Brien’s warning about Ukraine’s reliance on
Starlink and U.S. intelligence isn’t just a caution-
ary tale — it’s a mirror. And while we hesitate to
confront authoritarian regimes abroad, we also
fail to confront creeping authoritarianism at
home.
Let’s be blunt: our neighbour to the south is no
longer a stable democratic partner. The erosion of
norms, politicized courts and normalized disinfor-
mation have transformed the United States into a
cautionary tale.
If Canada wants to remain a functioning de-
mocracy, we must stop treating American decline
as a temporary fever. It’s a structural shift — and
we must respond accordingly.
To move beyond slogans, Canada must invest
in capabilities that make values actionable.
That means establishing a Canadian “cyber
command” to defend against surveillance and
sabotage; expanding Arctic infrastructure with
Indigenous-led governance, icebreaker fleets
and satellite surveillance; launching a strategic
technologies fund to support Canadian innovation
in AI, quantum computing and clean energy; and
supercharging public R&D to lead in the technolo-
gies that will define the next century.
These aren’t luxuries. They’re the price of
autonomy in a contested world.
Canada once built a railway to unite a vast and
diverse land. It’s time to do it again — electri-
fied, sustainable and visionary. A pan-Canadian
high-speed rail network would connect regions,
slash emissions, reduce reliance on air travel and
symbolize a renewed commitment to national
cohesion and climate leadership. This isn’t just
infrastructure — it’s imagination made real.
Restricting immigration is not just morally
questionable — it’s strategically foolish. Immi-
grants bring talent, entrepreneurship, cultural
richness and global networks. Canada’s future
depends on welcoming those who choose to build
it with us.
We’ve charted our own course before. We re-
fused to join the Iraq War in 2003. We pioneered
peacekeeping under Lester B. Pearson. We
embraced multiculturalism in the 1970s. These
weren’t accidents — they were strategic, val-
ues-driven choices. It’s time to choose again.
According to the 2025 Freedom in the World
report, Canada ranks fifth globally in democratic
strength, earning a score of 97 out of 100 —
among the highest in the world. But democracy
isn’t a trophy to be displayed. It’s a practice to be
renewed, challenged and defended every day.
To strengthen it, we must combat disinforma-
tion through media literacy and platform account-
ability. Reform electoral systems to reduce polar-
ization. Invest in civic education. Protect press
freedom and independent journalism. Democracy
isn’t just about institutions — it’s about people
who believe they matter.
Canada doesn’t need to mimic Washington to
lead. It can champion climate diplomacy, support
democratic resilience in the Global South and
forge alliances with fellow middle powers like
Germany, Japan and Australia to shape a coalition
of democratic middle powers. Prime Minister
Mark Carney is already advancing this vision —
his recent visits to Poland, Ukraine, Germany and
Latvia signal a renewed commitment to strategic
partnerships, democratic solidarity and global
leadership. Leadership isn’t about size — it’s about
clarity of purpose.
Manitoba is uniquely positioned to contribute.
Its aerospace sector, Indigenous leadership in
Arctic governance and central geography make
it vital to Canada’s strategic future. Winnipeg,
as a hub of innovation and multiculturalism, can
model the inclusive, forward-looking Canada we
must build.
The now mostly empty National Research
Council buildings on Ellice Avenue should be re-
purposed into functioning scientific laboratories
for cutting-edge research. These could include
advanced manufacturing, artificial intelligence,
robotics, sustainable food packaging and medical
device development — fields where Canada can
lead and where Manitoba’s talent and infrastruc-
ture already offer a strong foundation.
The redevelopment of the Port of Churchill —
backed by Carney and Manitoba Premier Wab
Kinew — is a powerful example of national re-
newal. As the only deepwater Arctic port in North
America accessible by rail, Churchill is poised to
become a cornerstone of Canada’s sovereignty,
trade diversification and climate strategy.
Canada’s strategic drift is not inevitable.
But reversing it demands courage, clarity and
commitment. Let’s stop mistaking proximity for
alignment and comfort for security. The world is
changing. Canada must choose: lead with purpose
— or be led by others.
It’s encouraging that Carney’s Liberal govern-
ment is moving forward with bold, co-operative
initiatives. Let’s continue in that direction — with
ambition, independence and purpose.
Martin Zeilig is a Winnipeg-based journalist and writer.
The Argentinization
of the world
A FEW days ago, Argentine businessman
Eduardo Elsztain (a key figure in Argentine
business circles in the 1990s) told a business
audience that the world is “Argentinizing.”
He wasn’t talking about tango or soccer or
steaks. He was referring to currency — or
more precisely, the destruction of it. Holding
up an 1881 Argentine gold coin, once a sym-
bol of stability, he reminded listeners that
Argentina has since erased 13 zeros from
its currency. “We’re the world champions
of printing,” he said, “but now, others are
catching up.”
A century ago, Argentina wasn’t a cau-
tionary tale. It was a rival to Canada. In
1913, Argentina’s GDP per capita ranked
among the world’s top 10, ahead of France
and Italy and close to Canada’s. Both were
resource-rich, immigrant-driven economies
supplying the world with food, timber and
minerals. Buenos Aires was the “Paris of
South America.” The two countries looked
like peers on a shared path to prosperity.
Then came the split. After the Second
World War, Canada doubled down on stabil-
ity, embedding itself in NATO, the Bretton
Woods system and a rules-based global
order. Its central bank earned credibility, its
welfare state grew responsibly and its banks
remained cautious. Argentina chose another
route. Perón’s populism promised redistri-
bution, nationalization and easy money. The
printing press became the government’s
crutch. Inflation, debt crises and currency
collapses followed.
Elsztain’s warning stings because the
world now looks more like Argentina. Since
2008, advanced economies have embraced
massive monetary expansion. The pandemic
erased the line between fiscal and mone-
tary policy. Debt exploded. Inflation, long
thought dead, returned. What once seemed
an Argentine peculiarity — financing defi-
cits with freshly printed money — is now
global orthodoxy.
In Argentina, people spend pesos quickly
and hoard U.S. dollars. Juan Carlos de Pablo,
an Argentine economist, has what he calls
“the Noah’s Ark theory.” He says that for Ar-
gentines, the U.S. dollar is like Noah’s Ark.
Whenever there’s a storm — meaning politi-
cal or economic instability, inflation or fear
of crisis — people rush to the ark (the U.S.
dollar) to protect their savings and survive.
When the waters are calm, some may step
off the ark and use pesos for transactions,
investments or consumption.
But deep down, everyone knows that the
ark (the U.S. dollar) will always be there as
the ultimate refuge.
Over time, the local currency becomes a
mere transactional token while real savings
flee to perceived harder assets. That same
dynamic, once confined to Argentina, now
echoes globally as investors rush into gold
and even cryptocurrencies to protect them-
selves from governments that debase their
currencies.
History shows the political dangers, too.
Hyperinflation doesn’t just wipe out savings;
it destroys faith in democracy. The Wei-
mar Republic of the 1920s is the starkest
example. As wheelbarrows of banknotes lost
value by the hour, ordinary Germans lost
confidence not only in money but in the insti-
tutions meant to safeguard it.
According to many historians, out of that
despair rose Adolf Hitler, who rode the
anger of ruined citizens and the instability
of collapsing currency into power, first with
a coalition of extremists and ultimately as
dictator. The real danger isn’t only the mon-
ey printing. It’s the erosion of central bank
independence.
Argentina lost that decades ago. Now, the
United States flirts with the same mistake.
Donald Trump’s repeated attacks on the
Federal Reserve — demanding lower rates,
threatening to replace its leadership, hinting
he would bend monetary policy to political
ends — are straight from the Argentine
playbook.
Once the guardians of money become
servants of politics, credibility unravels
quickly.
The lesson is clear. When trust in money
erodes, it doesn’t return easily. Argentina’s
peso once carried the weight of gold; today,
no Argentine saves in pesos. That credibility
gap is the true cost of “Argentinization.”
Canada should pay careful attention to
this most of all. A century ago, it mirrored
Argentina’s promise. Today, it toys with
deficits as permanent policy, carries one of
the highest household debt burdens in the
developed world, and risks sliding down the
same slope.
The “Argentinization of the world” is not a
destiny. It’s a warning shot. Nations can still
choose stability over populism. But history’s
message is unforgiving: once politicians
bully their central banks, ignore Gresham’s
Law and allow inflation to spiral, the cost
is not only economic collapse, it can also be
political and societal catastrophe.
Martin Wayngarten is a chartered financial analyst establish-
ing proud new(er) Manitoban roots.
MIKAELA MACKENZIE / FREE PRESS
Setting low or zero fares on Winnipeg Transit is a matter of fairness and equity.
ADAM JOHNSTON
MARTIN ZEILIG
MARTIN WAYNGARTEN
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